2047

如果路人一翻墙就看到了一堆屠支大佐说要杀光中国人，是否会让他们相信“没有共产党就没有新中国”、“反华势力亡我中华之心不死”这些宣传言论？

如果你肉身在墙内的话，尽量不要这样开盒，因为最终很可能发展成你在和这个ccp黑帮邪恶组织在斗，官与官始终是相护的，你这样和在墙内冲塔无异。

阎明复的女儿阎兰在2020年出版了一本英文书叫《阎家：处于中国历史上一个世纪的核心的家族》（The House of Yan: A Family at the Heart of a Century in Chinese History）

这本书有一章都是在讲六四的。这是英文原文：

I was still in Geneva in 1985 when I heard that my father had been appointed by the party’s Central Committee to the position of leader of the United Front Work Department, then to the position of secretary to the Central Committee.

By coincidence, Mikhail Gorbachev became the new secretary-general of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union that year. Soon after starting his new post, Gorbachev stated that he wanted to improve relations with China.

Deng Xiaoping had several reservations regarding this wished-for rapprochement, all of them military. First, there was the presence of Soviet troops in Mongolia, as well as on the Sino-Soviet border. The Soviets were intervening in Afghanistan and supporting the Vietnamese forces in Cambodia, an unacceptable situation in the eyes of Beijing.

Deng Xiaoping was able to lay down a whole set of conditions because China was in a position of strength. The economic reforms implemented by Deng in 1978 were bearing fruit, whereas the Soviet economy, in decline since the late 1970s, was forcing the USSR to give up its arms race with the United States.

After the retreat of Soviet troops from Afghanistan, Deng gave the green light for Gorbachev to make an official visit to China between May 15 and 18, 1989. The symbolism was strong enough that Yan Mingfu—who was, in some way, the living memory of the history of Sino-Soviet relations —took part in the ceremonies in his role as secretary of the Party’s Central Committee.

As it happened, Hu Yaobang had died from a heart attack the previous month in Beijing.

As the Party’s secretary-general, Hu Yaobang had been a reformist, but he had been dismissed in 1987 following student protests whose democratic aspirations he seemed to share. Hu Yaobang was particularly admired because, in the wake of Mao’s death, he accomplished the reintegration of hundreds of intellectuals and leaders fired during the Cultural Revolution, as well as the posthumous rehabilitation of the regime’s victims, including my grandfather. Then, in 1979, he had done the same for rightists.

The day after his death, spontaneous protests all over the country forced the government to organize a state funeral on April 22, 1989. In Beijing, however, the fervor did not die down. In Tiananmen Square, it became impossible to carry out the ceremonies planned for the Soviet leader’s official visit. Tiananmen Square was filled with students who had begun a hunger strike, so it was decided to prepare a reception at the airport instead. Gorbachev was welcomed on May 16 by Zhao Ziyang, the party’s secretary-general, and by Deng, in the Great Hall of the People. I followed the event on Swiss television.

What the television footage did not show was that the central government had asked my father to negotiate with the students in Tiananmen Square, to convince them to move away after four days of their hunger strike.

One wonders why the government did not send the education minister to Tiananmen Square that afternoon. Particularly since my father had been ill for some time, regularly hospitalized with high fevers. In fact, he left for Tiananmen Square in an ambulance from the hospital where he had been admitted with a temperature of 102.

Barely had my father arrived in the middle of the angry crowd when the leader of the student movement asked everybody to calm down. What happened next was told to me by a friend of mine, Caroline, who was a student at Peking University at the time. At that moment, she was sitting close to my father’s feet.

Before passing the megaphone to my father, the movement’s leader told the protesters that Comrade Yan Mingfu had come as a friend, that he was a genuine communist. “I can promise you, he is one of us.” My father took the megaphone and began speaking: “First of all, your determination and the spirit of your demands has touched the entire country. Be assured that your demands for reform, freedom, and an end to corruption have been heard, and I have no doubt that the Central Committee, as well as the People’s Assembly, will take them into account. But those demands are not worth paying for with your lives. As a humanist, let me tell you that you cannot sacrifice yourselves. As the representative of the Central Committee, I can promise you that—once you have suspended your hunger strike and started classes again—there will be no reprisals against you.” And to persuade the weakest among them to go to the hospital, and the others to go back to their classrooms as soon as possible, he offered himself as a hostage, as proof of the government’s good faith, assuring the students that their demands would be considered and that negotiations would begin. Despite this, the students decided not to vacate the square. My father left.

Later, he would say that it was lucky that Deng was hard of hearing because he would not have been happy to hear the students yelling while he was welcoming Gorbachev in the Great Hall of the People.

While the square was still occupied by protesters and hunger strikers, Gorbachev’s official visit continued, notably at the famous Great Wall of China. When a journalist asked him for his impression of this edifice, Gorbachev replied that the wall was magnificent, before adding, “But there are too many walls between people.” The journalist took the bait, “Does that mean you would like to bring down the Berlin Wall?” The response was serious: “Why not?” As for the protesters who were still occupying Tiananmen Square, Gorbachev chose his words carefully: “The USSR, too, has certain ‘hotheads’ who wish to change socialism overnight.”

It was from that moment that my father disappeared from television screens, and that the reporting focused less on Gorbachev’s visit than on what was happening in Tiananmen Square.

In Geneva, I spent all my free time glued to the television—until June 4, 1989, when I saw the pictures of the tank advancing toward a young man. That image seared itself into my memory.

I followed the events that came next through the young Chinese people who left the country. One year later, in Paris, I saw my friend Hirondelle, who told me that, on that fateful day, she had been walking toward Chang’an Avenue, after leaving the State Council residence where she lived. The avenue was filled with tanks and military trucks. The loudspeakers broadcast the words, “Attention. All rebels will be shot. Stay in your homes.” Despite the warlike tone, Hirondelle could not believe this was true. Was it possible that Chinese soldiers would shoot at the crowd? Suddenly, a young man started running toward her. From a nearby tank, a soldier fired. The boy was hit. He collapsed, bleeding. The loudspeaker announced, “Do not remain outside. If you do, you will suffer the consequences.” Hirondelle was not sure she had really understood. This is a nightmare, she told herself, and her whole body started trembling. She did not move as the tanks went past. Then, gathering her strength, she ran home and made the decision to leave Beijing.

The day after these events, my father was dismissed. He was not the only one: Zhao Ziyang, too, was dismissed, along with two other Central Committee secretaries.

That November, six months after Gorbachev’s visit to Beijing, the Berlin Wall came down.

The next month, in Malta, Mikhail Gorbachev and George H. W. Bush officially proclaimed the end of the Cold War.

By December 1991, the USSR had ceased to exist.

As for my father, his exile would not last long. In 1991, he was appointed vice-minister of civil affairs.

这英语很简单，不会英语的用翻译软件看一下就行了。

我很惊讶她会写六四，并且还写了军队杀人的事情。

阎明复的子女愿意站在学生的立场上写六四，我很敬佩。

没那么简单的，实际上中共打台湾没有任何经济价值，打下来换来制裁得不偿失，打不下来很可能直接倒台，这一点中共高层很清楚，普京已经演示一遍了，但是如果已经到了倒台边缘，发动战争如果赢了可以稳定政权，而且战争期间可以有借口加强管制，所以别看他们喊的凶，没到政权受到威胁时候他们不会打的，宣布独立都不会打，但是政权受到威胁了是肯定会打的，不一定打台湾，再次发动朝鲜战争也有可能

你们看不懂还是怎样？他不是我的什么同学。而且直到高三也没有学生成为正式党员。 这个级长他好像是30多岁了？我要开盒的他，他是老师中的领导。他的个人积极性可以造成额外的灌输宣传效果。

我提到的同学是对他不满的，通过明褒暗贬来表达而已 还有我高中的校长，搞倒退政策，引起了更多的不满，但是是非政治性的

我已经成年了，我会尽量确保我的匿名性

英属北美也有没独立的地方 而且地盘比那十三州还要大 就是加拿大，加拿大至今都还奉英国国王是元首呢

所以本文属于欢乐啊 他想要台湾无非就是给自己贴个金 当个千古一帝 中共几十年没实际控制台湾也没啥吧

摧毁中国共产党非法渗透他国的阴谋，把所有海外警察局全部赶回老家！

也不能说是骗钱，就是个炒作狗.

不好。中共（目前是習）不要做台灣名義上的元首，而是想要實質統治台灣，培育新一片韭菜田。台灣雖然諸多槽點一言難盡，但多數呆胞在這點上還是拎得清的，看香港就知道了。

为什么北美十三州不用这个方法取得英联邦下的独立权呢？

你把这个事情想清楚了就能理解台湾和大陆的关系。

有一个猎人打猎，他拿枪指着一只熊，熊说，我们没有必要这样解决问题，有什么不能谈的

于是猎人和熊坐下了，猎人说，我想要熊皮，熊说，我想吃饱饭，聊了一会儿，熊独自走了

你说下？

這說法不對吧

不了解神经科学，只知道真正的抑郁症需要药物治疗，具体原理我也不懂

答案是有的，类似法国和安道尔，英国和英联邦王国那样的共主邦联，台湾完全可以修改宪法改国号独立建国但是奉中国领导人为台湾名义上的国家元首（但是无实权，台湾政治上的实权由民选国会选出来的总理担当），中国和台湾之间派驻的外交人员也不叫大使，而是叫专员，习近平也可以学英国派驻英联邦王国的总督一样，对台湾派出一个基本上无实权，只有象征意义的总督做名义上的统治，这样习近平又可以满足自己统治台湾的欲望，又可以满足台湾人想以台湾名义独立建国的想法，大家觉得这个想法好不好呀？

智商低的人更容易得精神病

中外純純的愛國人士很大一部分只是智商低吧⋯⋯ 再說了，愛國就算精神病？叫那些愛黨的人情何以堪啊

我倒真觉得这两位半斤八两

毛泽东读了不少书，但是写文学的能力堪忧

希特勒会作画，但是只是画匠的理解，没有啥艺术天赋

请勿爱国，爱国是一种精神疾病

愛得越少，痛得越少。

打發時間的話，個人喜歡間諜、偵探小說。

是的，自杀是天赋人权，即使宗教界再怎么批判也无济于事，不过是向自杀者的家属们施加惩罚罢了

这个东西经济学叫公地悲剧

毛澤東的文學素養比希特勒的油畫水平高級

每一種藝術形式都有陽春白雪和下里巴人。比如油畫不見得就比街頭塗鴉更「高雅」。

勢在必得

我們都希望壞人踢到鐵板，我們都不想成為那塊鐵板。

故事中的這些人都不知道是幹啥的，就覺得這句話不錯。

生不由己，死也不行嗎？一直有政治不正確的觀念，如果一個人真的覺得生無可戀，應該有自我了斷的權利。

最近收到新闻，说歌手李玟Coco Lee抑郁症自杀了，抑郁症这个很多见，比如那个著名的“我支持香港警察，你们可以打我了”付国豪，也是因为抑郁症先辞去环球时报工作后自杀身亡。抑郁症这个其实很多，临床叫重性抑郁（major depression），普通的因为心情不好，天气不好，周围人不好而觉得心情低落那估计100%的人都有经历，重性抑郁意味着心情低落的持久性和严重性高于普通的心情不好。而且重性抑郁不是简单的叠加，比如你今天掉了个皮夹子心情会不好，明天你又掉了个小包裹，后天又丢了车钥匙，但是这些东西不会导致你抑郁，只会让你去检查下自己是不是太马虎了。

所以我们到了抑郁症的第一个误区，有些傻叉（主要是歧视精神病人的jerks）就会说精神病是个人选择，你选择心情不好就抑郁。大谬。重性抑郁不是把让人心情低落的东西叠加起来就变重性了，十个轻症也变不了一个重症，不是线性叠加的。抑郁是神经递质出了问题:

然后是著名精神病院品葱(品葱发生精神病人传人现象）。很多爱好听床的反贼，从2020年听川普大胜拜登的床，以至于拜登胜选之后和川粉一样久久不愿离去，还是那句“2021年1月20日，美国迁都弗罗里达州海湖庄园，我们敬爱的川普总统在佛罗里达继续他的总统责任”来的合适，很多“政治性抑郁”患者，同时患有各类精神分裂样的认知问题，比如说异常的stubborn或者paranoid，达到了不合理的程度。还有2022年习下李上的听床，也是没完没了。

当然，这也很正常，很多精神正常的中国人根本对键政毫无兴趣，或者他们只接受了中共许可的政治内容。

"什么样的认知是妄想呢：虚假，错误的推理，不受相反证据影响，不符合所处文化的信仰“

链接

DSM-IV classifies a belief as a delusion if and only if it contains four elements. These require that the ideation be:

1. False.

2. Based on a faulty inference from reality (i.e., not simply false because of ignorance or wrong information).

3. Sustained in spite of clear evidence to the contrary.

4. Discordant with beliefs accepted by one’s culture.

换句话说，中共告诉大家，我们是伟大的民族，近代受了屈辱挫折，在中共领导下，也走了弯路，但是现在我们伟大复兴了。这就是我们生在邓小平上台以来的中国，所处的基本文化成色，如果你不认同这些东西（比如刘仲敬，辛灏年，毛左），你就是精神病人。所以反贼都是精神病。治疗方法是移民，脱支，离开中国的文化环境。这是治疗精神病的唯一方式。

那么得了这种精神病会有什么特点呢：

Voguish depressive-- Including histrionic and narcissistic features：

Patients who fall under this subtype embrace their suffering as ennobling. They view their personal depression as self-glorifying and dignifying; their unhappiness as a stylish expression of social disenchantment.

政治性抑郁的反贼，不认同中共的叙事，就会有以上症状。他们会觉得自己的精神病和承受的痛苦，是在为这个国家民族承担，自己是殉道的圣徒，自我感动一番，然后在错误的道路上越走越远。而那些单纯觉得中共傻逼操蛋的人，直接移民了，就没有精神疾病了。

当然更狠的是像孙大炮一样直接“大炮开兮轰他娘”直接试图逆推满清帝国，“我不要我有病，我要你有病”，当然他推了十一次，我大清嵬然不动，反贼撞在我大清的铜墙铁壁上头破血流粉身碎骨，连孙文自己在伦敦都差点被大清特工跨国抓捕变桂民海。在中国革命的革命先驱，则在鲁迅笔下变成了治疗肺结核的人血馒头。

我看你的帖子，不自觉的变成了幽默

你本人就是一个幽默

首先，开盒尽量不要做，不要侵犯他人隐私，除非是司法人员，有合法开盒权力。

其次，如果真的罪大恶极，比如习近平，大众出于伦理道德和朴素情感，开就开一下了；但这个同学显然没有罪大恶极。

第三，你走入社会后就会明白，这个同学只是小恶，何况他也未成年。这个程度就开盒，相当于所有的武器里你一上来就挑了核武器。

第四，开盒一开，就没有回头路了。所以未成年人以及心智尚不成熟者不要用开盒作为手段，因为这不是你能负责后果的手段。

合不合理谁说了算，要是natasha说了算我第一个不同意，大家说了算如何防止舞弊？所以还是要顶planetoryd的帖子上来

https://2047.one/t/20317

不建议在反作用（被反向开盒）的情况下开盒别人。

军人不是地里长出来的，是一个个人民家里的孩子，二二六另立新君也是出于朴素的爱国心

至于善意，如果您和我对这个词的理解不同，那就放下不争，无意义

什么918自发运动，这是民间吗

叛逃是善意？叛逃是不满中共，外加常凯申高薪买叛徒

叛逃不就是民间善意。

民间毫无善意的结果就是军人自发搞柳条湖，反正美军航母被我神风撞了，已经开战了，独裁者您看着办吧

这么多年只见叛逃台湾，不见神风台湾

50-70年代洗脑深刻吧，解放军将士都是战狼吧，有谁发动过对台湾的恐怖袭击呢

起码也要像北朝鲜特工在缅甸仰光奇袭全斗焕吧

参考伊斯兰国人民，人民是会自发恐袭的，军人是会暴走的，什么独裁者也无法控制自己的飞行员里没有一人临时起意去神风台湾

中国又不是民主国家，你台湾要说服的也不是广大中国人，而是中国的领导者

那么逻辑就不一样了

是的，但是如果所有人都是上头战狼圣战士，中国会不管打不打得过都被绑架着打台湾，中国人会自发恐袭台湾，台湾依旧要受损

所以基于这点，民间善意对台湾有用

不建议曝光人在未成年时犯的错

人活着就是一个黑色幽默

中国鸽派为什么鸽，真以为是台湾那边释放善意这边才鸽了？鸽不鸽，看美帝。50-70年代，台湾天天喊反攻大陆，但是他有美帝撑腰，大陆这边除了吼解放台湾以外啥也干不了，连金门炮战都沦为西线无战事的笑话。

台湾的安全，是只有美帝能保证的，美帝撤出西太，台湾就会沦陷，这不是台湾当局用技巧就能实现的，套用p社游戏的设定，中共和民国交战的内战，中共战争胜利分数都95%了，直接点吞并决议民国就无了，这不是美帝干涉台湾的民国早就不存在了。这个意义上来说，台湾喊反攻大陆还是台湾独立，差别不大，关键看美帝，台湾当局只要抱住美帝大腿且美帝不跑路，台湾当局就能存活下来，在这个基础上，才能谈对大陆是否友善。

您是懂冷幽默的，请多多说话

高考不是只考一门的，就算语文差，别的成绩好还是能上川大的