您这第三条可太集体主义了

是的，可能造成稳固的后果，但我没有义务考虑这后果

别用什么家国大计道德绑架我

合着按您说的，造成了影响反共的结果就素质差是吧？

责任在共，不在我，谢谢，少拣软柿子捏

澳门化，Macauniszation

能抑郁到医生认为可以安乐死的，那估计不光是抑郁症了，还有其他器质性病变

毕竟世上抗抑郁药物都出了好几代了，不说治好抑郁症，至少能让人半死不活地活下去。

用微波炉会损坏微波炉， 用空气炸锅和烤箱不够快， 建议明火烧

一、先回答问题：是的，毫无疑问。

二、把网络暴力称为“言论自由”？巧了，最近墙内辱骂LV帆布包买家的粉红网民，亦称骂人是“言论自由”。

三、支持暴论的人，均回避了原论述：支黑言论稳固了习共。如果有人认识到此后果，依然选择此类暴论，只有两种可能：他们素质堪比粉红；他们有意为之

若要销毁硬盘资料，空气炸锅、烤箱、微波炉哪个好？

对，就工具本身来说，是不分高雅大众的。

但这个问题还有很多种看待的角度，这里就不展开了。

“生不由己，死也不行嗎？一直有政治不正確的觀念，如果一個人真的覺得生無可戀，應該有自我了斷的權利。”

当然是可以，但是这个不仅仅是人权的问题了。

如果人起了水痘，跟忍着痒相比，抓破的当下会很爽，但好了之后就会留疤。所以医生会建议你不要抓，尽量忍。同理，得了抑郁症想死，是一种精神紊乱下的一种病理症状。正常情况下人并不想死。当下的自杀决定是不理性的。

抑郁症当下自杀，后患无穷，首先就是肉体消灭了再无复生可能，其次是亲友的悲痛，再者还有一些社会责任比如欠债、房贷等会转嫁到别人身上，让无辜的他人承担你的责任。

所以，如果是抑郁症，还是要积极配合治疗，如果自己无法控制自己，要寻求专业帮助，尽量避免处于有自杀条件的地方。虽然过程很痛苦，但能够尽量避免不理性的自杀悲剧。

此外，如果精神真的痛苦到无以复加，在欧美已经有抑郁症安利死的案例。如果医生认为你的抑郁症达到了安乐死的条件，那再安排也不迟。

“逛逛小清新2047，逛逛推特扯淡可不算放（反）共。”

说得好。

其实大多数人没事也不想反共，谁不想过舒心安稳的日子。

只是共产党不让你舒心，不让你安稳，所以人们就有了怨言。也仅仅是怨言而已。谁闲着没事想闹革命啊。杀人流血金腰带，一将功成万骨枯，大多数人不想淌这个浑水。

所以，与其说2047是反共论坛，不如说是一个世外桃源，让大家逃避言论审查，有个畅所欲言的地方。

有可能，但是把“我一翻墙就看到有人要杀光中国人”而得出“防火墙好，还不如支持共产党”这种结论，并且把这种结论发到墙内网站的人，不是蠢就是坏。

上网冲浪，没人知道你的真实身份有什么目的，有思考能力真反共义士，就不会纠结这些支黑什么的，上网就是吹水。上网多年，我越来越觉得自己不配称作反共人士，因为一点实际行动都没有。逛逛小清新2047，逛逛推特扯淡可不算放共。我一直想知道彭载舟这样的人是怎么工作学习的。

这个帖子很好啊。建议士杰兄多发这类帖子。加油！

从我个人角度，我认为屠支言论很low。

但近年来屠支（可以理解为杀光中国人，或者杀光他看不上的中国人）言论越来越多地出现，说明民间戾气越来越重，这跟国内高压的政治气氛和低迷的经济是分不开的。

所以，就把屠支看成是一种发泄吧，毕竟只是口嗨，也可算是言论自由。

词义的话我只接触过第二种，算我阅历的问题了。然后检查团徽是上课检查那种，谁能未经同意公然打断老师上课安排？

既然反贼和爱国都有精神病 那真的只有润一条路

完全不一样 金马在现代社会不可能独立存在 要么跟中国要么跟台湾 要么福建独立建国带上金马

说实话现在台湾的蓝营在美中新冷战的大背景之下就是典型的两头不讨好 台湾人嫌他太亲中 支那人认为不想统一 也是暗独

等我润了再写 刚刚这段话是参考了微博上某个讲以巴关系的人的发言

大中华帝国没意思 我要看红旗插遍全球的地上天国

还挺有趣，写个小说行成不

我想看大洪水之后张献忠地区诸夏大乱斗

我补充了一下回答

那这些恐怖组织已经没有祖国了，他们可能会谋求建立类似伊斯兰国式的“大中华帝国”

要信的人怎样都会信，要不信的人怎样都不会信

你从“乌克兰政府如何歧视压迫俄族人”角度去思考“俄国人应不应该支持俄国攻打乌克兰”就已经错了。

刘仲敬所说的中国恐怖分子就是这个意思吧

假设20xx年 民进党在台湾已经长期执政20年以上，已经在位20多年，年事已高，已经快神志不清的习近平自觉自己临终之前可能没法看到祖国统一，不顾国际社会的普遍反对发起对台战争，最后美国日本韩国北约等组成联军支援台湾，结局是中国攻打台湾失败，在西方的介入下分成几十个小国，战后幽燕国（北京天津河北一带）的民族主义组织不爽战争失败 三天两头没事就派出人弹去恐怖袭击台湾人和美国人，劫持飞机撞101大楼和美国华尔街，造成数万人死。

那个不是响应台湾当局的号召

我说的是类似中共进军西南的时候在西南地区拥蒋反共的民兵武装，中共称为土匪的。

如果台湾当局喊反攻大陆，大陆缺乏响应，那么台湾当局喊台湾独立，大陆仍然缺乏响应。台湾当局宣布独立不过是不给中共面子而已，中共难道还会因为面子丢了而垮台不成，倒是多往台湾扔些导弹炸鱼是正常响应。

就现在这个国际局势 到那个时候 打台湾也是会被制裁 中共对内镇压西藏新疆少民独立也是会被制裁 反正都会被制裁 不如梭哈一把

你怎么知道那时候他们没有站出来反对中共呢 事实上即便是毛泽东时期直到00年代各种内部起义一点都不少 胡锦涛当年取消农业税也是因为江西的农民起义

中国水雷数量也是世界第一，水下扫雷对全人类都是大难题。中国的地雷和水雷领先全球

铁了心开战的话，菲律宾海布满水雷，美军要用扫雷舰扫，但在火箭军中导的覆盖范围内又扫不了，这怎么拒止？

我觉得战争走向取决于台湾能在登陆战下顶住几天，但美国没有能力拒绝解放军登陆

我不看好美国核潜艇能拒止

中国雷达声纳技术是世界领先的，反潜水平比美国高，是解放军少数领先美国的长板

也就是所处的状况是自己的核潜艇噪声大容易被找，但找别人的核潜艇也是世界一流水平

不到两百米深的台湾海峡，美军潜艇过来，这是送命题

首先，我怎么列举？第一版都让您改没了，我是过目不忘还能记得原来的表述吗？

其次，我查辞典确认了一下，级长两个词义，一个是指负责班级工作的学生（先出现的）一个是指年级的最高管理者（后出现的），这不是您没说明白吗？

最后，同学检查团徽怎么了？这片土地上不是有都是拿着鸡毛当令箭炫耀权力的班干部吗？

要说建议的话，我个人只能说，应该取决于您现在能不能在做这件事之后确保自己的安全，比如移民了，能就做，不能就不做

效仿了刚好中共有理由直接动武来清洗了，不会以为靠一些刀枪能对抗坦克车吧，新疆西藏又不像乌克兰能从外部得到支援，这一点和台湾不同，台湾只要不让中共登陆就没办法占领，即使中共同样封锁了海峡美军可以用核潜艇阻止登陆，登陆舰被打沉一艘就是几千人报销，根本吃不消的，中共最近在有意激怒韩国，实际上从朝鲜半岛动手的可能也不小，不隔一个海峡好投送很多，战争规模也是可控的

这个算是小悪，从他的背景历史可以看出，他能接触到一些黑历史。他显然是装傻，还要做灌输性宣传

算哪门子官？虽然教师也算是公务员体制

我第一版哪里没有写明白？请你列举。不过我先怀疑了自己写的不够准确。还请您多多谅解，然后更正您的评论。我第一版就写明了，我就是反对的就是我的年级级长啊？未成年能做级长？我不懂你们为什么会看成未成年的同学犯错？同学有权利私自上课检查团徽？

那台湾在两蒋统治下天天喊反攻大陆，港人藏人维人怎么不起哄反对中共呢

真宣布独立 香港 藏人 维吾尔人肯定会仿效，你说政权不会受到威胁吗？中国这么大的国家 做不了类似朝鲜那样的维稳模式 朝鲜多少人？朝鲜领土多大？ 因为在全国范围内推广朝鲜和新疆的维稳模式，成本会是天价，去年防疫已经示范过一遍了，去年底防疫的放开某种程度上就是因为维稳成本严重超支的问题。

口嗨本来就是言论自由的一种 包括屠支

how？

可我们乐意喊，因为我们爽

我们也不是真想屠，但是喊出来就是爽

如果你支持民主自由的话

乱喊也是我们的自由

不是我们看不懂，是您自己第一版没写明白

遇事请不要首先在他人身上找原因

如果路人一翻墙就看到了一堆屠支大佐说要杀光中国人，是否会让他们相信“没有共产党就没有新中国”、“反华势力亡我中华之心不死”这些宣传言论？

如果你肉身在墙内的话，尽量不要这样开盒，因为最终很可能发展成你在和这个ccp黑帮邪恶组织在斗，官与官始终是相护的，你这样和在墙内冲塔无异。

阎明复的女儿阎兰在2020年出版了一本英文书叫《阎家：处于中国历史上一个世纪的核心的家族》（The House of Yan: A Family at the Heart of a Century in Chinese History）

这本书有一章都是在讲六四的。这是英文原文：

I was still in Geneva in 1985 when I heard that my father had been appointed by the party’s Central Committee to the position of leader of the United Front Work Department, then to the position of secretary to the Central Committee.

By coincidence, Mikhail Gorbachev became the new secretary-general of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union that year. Soon after starting his new post, Gorbachev stated that he wanted to improve relations with China.

Deng Xiaoping had several reservations regarding this wished-for rapprochement, all of them military. First, there was the presence of Soviet troops in Mongolia, as well as on the Sino-Soviet border. The Soviets were intervening in Afghanistan and supporting the Vietnamese forces in Cambodia, an unacceptable situation in the eyes of Beijing.

Deng Xiaoping was able to lay down a whole set of conditions because China was in a position of strength. The economic reforms implemented by Deng in 1978 were bearing fruit, whereas the Soviet economy, in decline since the late 1970s, was forcing the USSR to give up its arms race with the United States.

After the retreat of Soviet troops from Afghanistan, Deng gave the green light for Gorbachev to make an official visit to China between May 15 and 18, 1989. The symbolism was strong enough that Yan Mingfu—who was, in some way, the living memory of the history of Sino-Soviet relations —took part in the ceremonies in his role as secretary of the Party’s Central Committee.

As it happened, Hu Yaobang had died from a heart attack the previous month in Beijing.

As the Party’s secretary-general, Hu Yaobang had been a reformist, but he had been dismissed in 1987 following student protests whose democratic aspirations he seemed to share. Hu Yaobang was particularly admired because, in the wake of Mao’s death, he accomplished the reintegration of hundreds of intellectuals and leaders fired during the Cultural Revolution, as well as the posthumous rehabilitation of the regime’s victims, including my grandfather. Then, in 1979, he had done the same for rightists.

The day after his death, spontaneous protests all over the country forced the government to organize a state funeral on April 22, 1989. In Beijing, however, the fervor did not die down. In Tiananmen Square, it became impossible to carry out the ceremonies planned for the Soviet leader’s official visit. Tiananmen Square was filled with students who had begun a hunger strike, so it was decided to prepare a reception at the airport instead. Gorbachev was welcomed on May 16 by Zhao Ziyang, the party’s secretary-general, and by Deng, in the Great Hall of the People. I followed the event on Swiss television.

What the television footage did not show was that the central government had asked my father to negotiate with the students in Tiananmen Square, to convince them to move away after four days of their hunger strike.

One wonders why the government did not send the education minister to Tiananmen Square that afternoon. Particularly since my father had been ill for some time, regularly hospitalized with high fevers. In fact, he left for Tiananmen Square in an ambulance from the hospital where he had been admitted with a temperature of 102.

Barely had my father arrived in the middle of the angry crowd when the leader of the student movement asked everybody to calm down. What happened next was told to me by a friend of mine, Caroline, who was a student at Peking University at the time. At that moment, she was sitting close to my father’s feet.

Before passing the megaphone to my father, the movement’s leader told the protesters that Comrade Yan Mingfu had come as a friend, that he was a genuine communist. “I can promise you, he is one of us.” My father took the megaphone and began speaking: “First of all, your determination and the spirit of your demands has touched the entire country. Be assured that your demands for reform, freedom, and an end to corruption have been heard, and I have no doubt that the Central Committee, as well as the People’s Assembly, will take them into account. But those demands are not worth paying for with your lives. As a humanist, let me tell you that you cannot sacrifice yourselves. As the representative of the Central Committee, I can promise you that—once you have suspended your hunger strike and started classes again—there will be no reprisals against you.” And to persuade the weakest among them to go to the hospital, and the others to go back to their classrooms as soon as possible, he offered himself as a hostage, as proof of the government’s good faith, assuring the students that their demands would be considered and that negotiations would begin. Despite this, the students decided not to vacate the square. My father left.

Later, he would say that it was lucky that Deng was hard of hearing because he would not have been happy to hear the students yelling while he was welcoming Gorbachev in the Great Hall of the People.

While the square was still occupied by protesters and hunger strikers, Gorbachev’s official visit continued, notably at the famous Great Wall of China. When a journalist asked him for his impression of this edifice, Gorbachev replied that the wall was magnificent, before adding, “But there are too many walls between people.” The journalist took the bait, “Does that mean you would like to bring down the Berlin Wall?” The response was serious: “Why not?” As for the protesters who were still occupying Tiananmen Square, Gorbachev chose his words carefully: “The USSR, too, has certain ‘hotheads’ who wish to change socialism overnight.”

It was from that moment that my father disappeared from television screens, and that the reporting focused less on Gorbachev’s visit than on what was happening in Tiananmen Square.

In Geneva, I spent all my free time glued to the television—until June 4, 1989, when I saw the pictures of the tank advancing toward a young man. That image seared itself into my memory.

I followed the events that came next through the young Chinese people who left the country. One year later, in Paris, I saw my friend Hirondelle, who told me that, on that fateful day, she had been walking toward Chang’an Avenue, after leaving the State Council residence where she lived. The avenue was filled with tanks and military trucks. The loudspeakers broadcast the words, “Attention. All rebels will be shot. Stay in your homes.” Despite the warlike tone, Hirondelle could not believe this was true. Was it possible that Chinese soldiers would shoot at the crowd? Suddenly, a young man started running toward her. From a nearby tank, a soldier fired. The boy was hit. He collapsed, bleeding. The loudspeaker announced, “Do not remain outside. If you do, you will suffer the consequences.” Hirondelle was not sure she had really understood. This is a nightmare, she told herself, and her whole body started trembling. She did not move as the tanks went past. Then, gathering her strength, she ran home and made the decision to leave Beijing.

The day after these events, my father was dismissed. He was not the only one: Zhao Ziyang, too, was dismissed, along with two other Central Committee secretaries.

That November, six months after Gorbachev’s visit to Beijing, the Berlin Wall came down.

The next month, in Malta, Mikhail Gorbachev and George H. W. Bush officially proclaimed the end of the Cold War.

By December 1991, the USSR had ceased to exist.

As for my father, his exile would not last long. In 1991, he was appointed vice-minister of civil affairs.

这英语很简单，不会英语的用翻译软件看一下就行了。

我很惊讶她会写六四，并且还写了军队杀人的事情。

阎明复的子女愿意站在学生的立场上写六四，我很敬佩。

没那么简单的，实际上中共打台湾没有任何经济价值，打下来换来制裁得不偿失，打不下来很可能直接倒台，这一点中共高层很清楚，普京已经演示一遍了，但是如果已经到了倒台边缘，发动战争如果赢了可以稳定政权，而且战争期间可以有借口加强管制，所以别看他们喊的凶，没到政权受到威胁时候他们不会打的，宣布独立都不会打，但是政权受到威胁了是肯定会打的，不一定打台湾，再次发动朝鲜战争也有可能

你们看不懂还是怎样？他不是我的什么同学。而且直到高三也没有学生成为正式党员。 这个级长他好像是30多岁了？我要开盒的他，他是老师中的领导。他的个人积极性可以造成额外的灌输宣传效果。

我提到的同学是对他不满的，通过明褒暗贬来表达而已 还有我高中的校长，搞倒退政策，引起了更多的不满，但是是非政治性的

我已经成年了，我会尽量确保我的匿名性

英属北美也有没独立的地方 而且地盘比那十三州还要大 就是加拿大，加拿大至今都还奉英国国王是元首呢

所以本文属于欢乐啊 他想要台湾无非就是给自己贴个金 当个千古一帝 中共几十年没实际控制台湾也没啥吧

摧毁中国共产党非法渗透他国的阴谋，把所有海外警察局全部赶回老家！

也不能说是骗钱，就是个炒作狗.