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1，我在推特上看到有不少一边卖色情视频一边强调自己爱国的LGBT和爱国女权，真的纳闷难道他们以为拍共产党马屁就能不被社会主义铁拳碾压吗？
2，我用手机页面看到本网站下面，有北京公安网备案号和北京市地址。这是真的吗？按照本网站反贼强度不是早应该被党国网警叔叔橄榄了么？
As Sabit was deciding to move to Canada, in 2014, a dark future was being mapped out for Xinjiang in secret meetings in Beijing. Xi Jinping had become President the year before, and he was consolidating power. As he cleared away the obstacles to lifelong rule, he eventually subjected more than a million government officials to punishments that ranged from censure to execution. With China’s ethnic minorities, he was no less fixated on control.
Xinjiang’s turbulent history made it a particular object of concern. The region had never seemed fully within the Party’s grasp: it was a target for external meddling—the Russian tsar had once seized part of it—and a locus of nationalist sentiment, held over from its short-lived independence. Communist theoreticians long debated the role that nationalities should play in the march toward utopia—especially in peripheral societies that were not fully industrialized. The early Soviets took an accommodating approach and worked to build autonomous republics for ethnic groups. The Chinese pursued a more assimilationist policy.
2014年萨比特决定移居加拿大的同时，北京的秘密会议正在为新疆规划一个黑暗的未来。习近平一年前刚刚成为国家主席，正在巩固权力。在他扫除终身连任障碍（译者注：修改宪法确保自己永远当主席）的同时，他也使得100多万名政府官员遭受从批评到死刑的惩罚（译者注：反腐运动）。对于中国的少数民族，他也从不放弃高压控制。
新疆的动荡历史使其成为受到特别关注的对象。这个地区似乎从来没有完全在党的掌控之中：它是外部干涉的目标--俄国沙皇曾经夺取了它的一部分--同时也是民族主义情绪的发源地，在短暂的独立后被重新占领。共产主义理论家们长期以来一直在争论各民族在向乌托邦迈进的过程中应该扮演的角色--尤其是在尚未完全工业化的边缘社会。早期的苏联人采取了一种包容的方式，努力为各民族建立自治共和国。中国人的政策则更偏向于同化。
In the fifties, Mao, recognizing that the Party’s hold on Xinjiang was weak, mobilized the bingtuan to set up its farms in the region’s north—a buffer against potential Soviet incursions. Revolutionaries flooded in, and within decades the population was forty per cent Han. Party officials, hoping to assimilate the indigenous residents, sought to strip away their traditions—their Muslim faith, their schools, even their native languages. The authorities came to regard Uyghur identity as “mistaken”: Uyghurs were Chinese.
In the late seventies, Deng Xiaoping took power, and rolled back the excesses of the Cultural Revolution. In Xinjiang, mosques were reopened and local languages were permitted, giving way to a cultural flourishing. But amid the new openness people began to express discontent with what remained a colonial relationship. Adhering to regional traditions, or even maintaining “Xinjiang time”—two hours behind Beijing—became a subtle act of dissent. Some locals staged protests, bearing placards that read “Chinese Out of Xinjiang.” A few radicals discussed an insurgency.
五十年代，毛泽东认识到党对新疆的控制力很弱，动员兵团在新疆北部建立农场--以缓冲苏联的潜在入侵。革命军涌入，数十年内汉族人口占了40%。党的官员希望同化土著居民，试图剥夺他们的传统--他们的穆斯林信仰，他们的学校，甚至他们的母语。当局认为维吾尔人的民族身份是"错误的"：维吾尔人是中国人。
七十年代末，邓小平上台，推翻了文革的过激行为。在新疆，清真寺重新开放，允许使用当地语言，给文化的繁荣让路。但是，在新的开放中，人们开始对延续已久的殖民关系表示不满。恪守当地传统，甚至按照"新疆时间"作息--比北京晚两小时--成为一种微妙的异议行为。一些当地人举行了抗议活动，举着写着"中国人滚出新疆"的标语牌。一些激进分子研究如何发起一场叛乱。
In April, 1990, near the city of Kashgar, a conflagration broke out between locals and the authorities—apparently started by an amateurish group of militants and then joined by demonstrators who did not fully grasp what was happening. Police and members of the bingtuan quickly quashed the violence. It had been only a year since the Tiananmen Square protests, and the country’s ruling élite had little tolerance for disunity. A year later, when the Soviet Union fell, the Chinese Communist Party—convinced that ethnic nationalism had helped tear the former superpower to pieces—became even more alarmed.
With near-paranoid intensity, the government pursued any perceived sign of “splitism.” The Party secretary of Kashgar, Zhu Hailun, was among the most aggressive. Abduweli Ayup, who worked for Zhu as a translator and an aide, recalled that, in March, 1998, cotton farmers protested a ruling that barred them from planting vegetable patches. Zhu railed at them for being separatists, adding, “You’re using your mosques as forts!” On another occasion, he derided the Quran, telling an Uyghur audience, “Your God is shit.” Zhu ordered Ayup to lead a door-to-door hunt for families harboring nationalist or religious books—telling him that he was not to go home until he succeeded. Ayup worked until dawn, rousing people. But, he said, “I couldn’t find any books at all.”
1990年4月，在喀什噶尔市附近，在当地人和政府之间爆发了一场冲突——据称是由一群业余的激进分子挑起的，随后有不明真相的示威者加入。警察和兵团成员迅速平息了暴力事件。当时距离天安门广场的抗议活动（译者注：六四事件）才过去一年，国家的统治精英们对不团结行为没有任何容忍。一年后苏联垮台，中国共产党从此变得更加警惕——他们相信是民族主义将这个前超级大国撕成碎片的。
政府以近乎偏执的强度追捕任何被视作"分裂主义"的迹象。喀什噶尔的党委书记朱海仑是最积极的人之一。阿不都韦力-阿尤普曾经是朱海仑的翻译和助手，他回忆说，1998年3月，棉农对一项禁止他们种植菜地的政府规定发起了抗议。朱海伦抨击他们是分裂分子，而且还说："清真寺就是你们的堡垒！" 在另一个场合，他嘲笑《古兰经》，对一位维吾尔族听众说："你们的上帝是垃圾。" 朱海伦命令阿尤普带人挨家挨户地搜查藏有民族主义或宗教书籍的家庭——完不成任务就别想回家。阿尤普一直工作到天亮，挨家挨户把人吵醒。但是，阿尤普说，"我一本书也没看到。"
Xinjiang’s insurgents had proved unable to gather many adherents; locals favored the Sufi tradition of Islam, which emphasizes mysticism, not politics. At the time of the September 11th attacks, there was no terrorist violence to speak of in the region. But Osama bin Laden’s operation, planned across the border in Afghanistan, put a new and urgent frame around the old anxieties. Chinese authorities drew up a long list of incidents that they claimed were examples of jihad, and made their case to the U.S. State Department. Many of the incidents were impossible to verify, or to distinguish from nonpolitical violence. In China, mass attacks—with knives, axes, or even improvised explosives—are startlingly common, and often have nothing to do with ethnic unrest. Not long ago, a man walked into a school in Yunnan Province and sprayed fifty-four people with sodium hydroxide, to enact “revenge on society,” officials said. Similarly, a paraplegic assailant from eastern China detonated a bomb at one of Beijing’s international airports—apparently an act of retaliation for a police beating. The bombing was treated as a one-off incident. An Uyghur, frustrated that this would never be the case in Xinjiang, asked on Twitter, “Why is everything we do terrorism?”
历史早已证明新疆的叛乱分子不善于聚集信徒；当地人尊崇伊斯兰教的苏菲传统，它更强调神秘主义，而不是政治（的诉求）。当年"9-11"袭击发生时，该地区没有任何被记载的恐怖暴力事件。但本拉登在阿富汗边境策划的这场行动，使旧有的忧虑套上了新的、紧迫的框架。中国当局列出了一长串他们声称是圣战事件的清单，并以此应付美国国务院的质疑。许多事件无法核实，也无法与非政治性的暴力事件区分开来。在中国，大规模袭击——用刀、斧头甚至简易爆炸物——非常普遍，而且大部分与民族问题没有关系。不久前，一名男子走进云南省的一所学校，对五十四人喷洒氢氧化钠，按照官方的说法，目的是"报复社会"。同样地，一名来自中国东部坐着轮椅的残疾人在北京的一个国际机场引爆了一枚炸弹，据称是对被警察殴打的报复。这起爆炸事件被当局视为偶然性事件。一名维吾尔族人对新疆受到的“特殊照顾”感到不解，他在Twitter上发问："为什么维族人做（这些事情）就成了恐怖主义？"
In the spring of 2017, Sabit’s father died suddenly, of a heart attack. Her mother called, but, to spare Sabit a shock, said only that he was in the hospital and that she should come see him. Sabit, on vacation at the time, dumped her plans and flew to Kazakhstan. Just before the plane took off, she logged on to a family group chat on her phone. Someone had written, “May his spirit rest in Heaven,” in Kazakh. But the message was in Arabic script, and Sabit could make out only “Heaven.” She spent the flight in painful uncertainty. After she arrived, another relative, unaware of her mother’s deception, offered condolences for her loss. Realizing that her father was dead, she burst into tears.
2017年春天，萨比特的父亲突然去世，是心脏病发作。她的母亲打来电话，但为了不让Sabit受到惊吓，只说他在医院，让她来看看他。当时正在度假的萨比特，甩掉了自己的计划，飞往哈萨克斯坦。就在飞机起飞前，她用手机登录了一个家庭群聊。有人用哈萨克语写道："愿他的灵魂在天堂安息"。但信息是用阿拉伯字母写的（译者注：哈萨克文在哈萨克斯坦用希伯来字母，在中国用阿拉伯字母），萨比特只能看清"天堂"。她在痛苦的不确定中度过了飞行。在她到达之后，另一位亲戚因为不了解她母亲煞费苦心的欺骗，对她的损失表示慰问。当意识到父亲已经去世时，她哭了起来。
Sabit found her mother devastated with grief, so she decided to stay to support her. She asked her boss for several months off, but he couldn’t hold her position vacant for that long, so she resigned. She called friends in Vancouver and told them to put her things in storage.
Sabit看到母亲悲痛欲绝，决定留下来陪她。她向老板请几个月的假，但老板不能让她的职位空缺那么久，所以她辞职了。她打电话给温哥华的朋友，让他们把她的东西放在仓库里。
That summer, Sabit and her mother returned to Kuytun, to settle her father’s affairs. Friends had warned her not to go: rumors had been circulating of an escalating crackdown on the indigenous peoples of Xinjiang—of Kazakh traders being disappeared at the border. But Sabit had made an uneventful trip there less than a month earlier, and she wanted to be by her mother’s side. For two weeks, they met with family and visited ancestors’ graves. The trip, she later recalled, “was full of tears and sadness.”
那年夏天，萨比特和母亲回到奎屯，解决父亲的后事。朋友们警告她不要去：关于新疆土著人受到的镇压的传言不断升级——例如有哈萨克商人在边境“被失踪”。但萨比特一个月前才回过一次奎屯（而且没出事），她决定陪母亲回去。在奎屯的两周时间里，他们与亲戚见面，并参观了祖先的坟墓。她后来回忆说，这次旅行"充满了泪水和悲伤"。
On July 15th, Sabit and her mother drove to Ürümqi Diwopu International Airport, for a flight back to Kazakhstan. They arrived in the middle of the night, and the building was nearly empty. At customs, an officer inspected her mother’s passport and cleared her to go. But when Sabit handed over her documents he stopped, looked at her, and then took her passport into a back office.
7月15日，萨比特和母亲驱车前往乌鲁木齐地窝堡国际机场，准备飞回哈萨克斯坦。他们到达时已是半夜，大楼里几乎空无一人。在海关，一名官员检查了她母亲的护照，批准她离开。但当萨比特把她的文件交给他时，他停了下来，看了看她，然后把她的护照拿进了一个后面的办公室。
“Don’t worry,” Sabit assured her mother, explaining that the delay was most likely another bureaucratic annoyance. Minutes later, the officer returned with an Uyghur official, who told Sabit to sit on a bench. “You cannot leave,” he said. “You can discuss between yourselves whether your mother will go or stay.”
"没事的，"萨比特向母亲保证，并解释这样的耽误不过是官僚主义的常见症状。几分钟后，那名官员带着一名维吾尔族官员回来了，他让萨比特坐在长椅上。"你不能出境，"他说。"至于你母亲是走还是留，你们自己决定。"
In an emotional torrent, Sabit’s mother pleaded for an explanation. The officer replied, “We need to ask her a few questions.”
萨比特的母亲情绪激动，请求解释。警官回答说："我们需要问她几个问题。"
“You hurry and go,” Sabit told her mother. “If I don’t make the flight, I’ll come tomorrow.”
"你赶紧走吧。"萨比特对母亲说。"如果我赶不上飞机，我就明天再回去。"
The two women had packed their clothes in the same bags. As they separated their things, her mother began to cry, and Sabit comforted her. Then she watched her mother, tears streaming down her cheeks, walk toward the gate. Once she was gone, the official turned to Sabit and coldly explained that she had been assigned a “border control”—a red flag, marking her for suspicion. “Your mother was here, so I didn’t mention it,” he said. “You should know what Xinjiang is like now. You’d best coöperate.”
母女俩的衣服装在同一个旅行包里。当她们把各自的东西分开时，她的母亲开始哭泣，萨比特安慰她。然后，她看着母亲泪流满面，向登机口走去。等她走后，官员转身对萨比特冷冷地解释说，她现在是被"边境控制"——也就是被当局标记为可疑人物。"刚才你母亲在这里，我故意没提。"他说。"你也知道新疆现在的情况。建议你配合我们的工作。"
各位翻译志愿者：如果你们谁打算翻译某一段，请先把开头和结尾写下来，这样别人就不会跟你重复翻译同一段。
接下来我将翻译 in the spring of 2017 到 every thing we do terrorism
科学的一个特点就是任何现象背后都有它的原理，而原理必须是可验证的，所以没办法造假。
以后中学要取消历史和政治课，改成社会科学课，安排学生去做社科实验。
权力来自军队，战斗力来自通信技术。没有可靠且私密的通信渠道，多方便无法达成共识、一致协作，无法产生战斗力。
在通信技术发达之前，达成共识最有效的渠道是语言和宗教。语言宗教的传播借助印刷品，也体现了掌握通信技术对获得权力的重要性。世界政治的发展可以从战争技术也就是通信技术的发展解释。
中国的现状是老百姓掌握的通信渠道比统治阶级落后很多，既不可靠也不私密，无法形成战斗力。2010年前后对通讯软件的监控不严格，那时还经常能听到看到游行示威。后来当局跟上了，好日子也就到头了。
中国社会已经彻底去精英化。懂英文的就是精英，都想着怎么移民；不懂的就不是精英，都想着怎么往体制里爬。以前还有小粉红出征FB，现在墙外都是大外宣，墙内只敢打女权。
如果是所谓的美国华裔这么说
美华个熊，现在品葱只有土华，就算有美华也是carl级别的
先翻一段吧
When Anar Sabit was in her twenties and living in Vancouver, she liked to tell her friends that people could control their own destinies. Her experience, she was sure, was proof enough.
二十多岁的阿娜尔-萨比特住在温哥华时经常跟她的朋友们说，人可以掌控自己的命运。她认为她的经历足以证明这一点。
She had come to Canada in 2014, a bright, confident immigrant from Kuytun, a small city west of the Gobi Desert, in a part of China that is tucked between Kazakhstan, Siberia, and Mongolia. “Kuytun” means “cold” in Mongolian; legend has it that Genghis Khan’s men, stationed there one frigid winter, shouted the word as they shivered. During Sabit’s childhood, the city was an underdeveloped colonial outpost in a contested region that locals called East Turkestan. The territory had been annexed by imperial China in the eighteenth century, but on two occasions it broke away, before Mao retook it, in the nineteen-forties. In Beijing, it was called New Frontier, or Xinjiang: an untamed borderland.
她2014年移民加拿大。这位聪明而自信的移民，来自戈壁沙漠以西的一个小城市--奎屯，它位于中国的一个夹在哈萨克斯坦、西伯利亚和蒙古之间的地区。"奎屯"在蒙古语中是 "寒冷 "的意思；传说成吉思汗的部下在一个寒冷的冬天驻扎在那里，他们一边发抖一边喊着这个词。这座位于被当地人称为东突厥斯坦的争议地区的城市，在萨比特的童年时代是一个欠发达的殖民前哨站。这块领土在十八世纪被大清吞并，但此后两次独立，直到十九世纪四十年代被毛泽东政权重新接管。在北京，它被称为"新疆"也就是“新的边疆”——一个未被驯化的边境地区。
Growing up in this remote part of Asia, a child like Sabit, an ethnic Kazakh, could find the legacy of conquest all around her. Xinjiang is the size of Alaska, its borders spanning eight countries. Its population was originally dominated by Uyghurs, Kazakhs, and other indigenous Turkic peoples. But, by the time Sabit was born, Kuytun, like other parts of Xinjiang’s north, had dramatically changed. For decades, the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps—a state-run paramilitary development organization, known as the bingtuan—had helped usher in millions of Han Chinese migrants, many of them former revolutionary soldiers, to work on enormous farms. In southern Xinjiang, indigenous peoples were still prevalent, but in Kuytun they had become a vestigial presence.
成长于亚洲的这片偏远地区，像萨比特这样的哈萨克族孩子，能在周围找到数不尽的被征服的痕迹。新疆的面积相当于阿拉斯加的面积，其边界横跨八个国家。新疆人口原本以维吾尔族、哈萨克族和其他土著突厥族为主，但是，到萨比特出生的时候，奎屯早就和新疆北方其他地区一样发生了巨大的变化。几十年来，新疆生产建设兵团--一个被称为"兵团"的国营准军事化发展组织--为当地带来了数百万汉族移民，其中许多是老红军，在规模庞大的农场工作。在新疆南部，土著人口仍然占大多数，但在奎屯，他们的存在感已经很低了。
As a child, Sabit imbibed Communist Party teachings and considered herself a committed Chinese citizen, even as the bingtuan maintained a colonialist attitude toward people like her. Han residents of Kuytun often called Kazakhs and Uyghurs “ethnic persons,” as if their specific culture made no difference. Sabit accepted this as normal. Her parents, a doctor and a chemistry professor, never spoke of their experiences of discrimination; they enrolled her in schools where classes were held in Mandarin, and they taught her to embrace what she learned there. When Sabit was in elementary school, she and her classmates picked tomatoes for the bingtuan. In middle school, she picked cotton, which she hated: you had to spend hours bent over, or else with your knees ground into the dirt. Her mother told her that the work built character.
小时候，萨比特接受了共产党的教诲，认为自己是一个忠诚的中国公民，即使兵团对她这样的人保持着殖民主义的态度。奎屯的汉族居民经常把哈萨克族和维吾尔族都称为"少民"，仿佛他们各自的文化没有区分的意义。萨比特接受了这一点，觉得这很正常。她的父母分别是医生和化学教授，从不谈论他们被歧视的经历；他们送她去用普通话上课的学校，并让她学会接受在那里学到的东西。萨比特上小学的时候曾经跟同学们一起，帮兵团采摘西红柿。中学时，她摘过棉花，但她讨厌这种工作：你要么弯几个小时的腰，要么就得把膝盖跪在土里。母亲告诉她，劳动能培养人的性格。
Sabit excelled as a student, and after graduating from high school, in 2004, she moved to Shanghai, to study Russian, hoping that it would open up career opportunities in other parts of the world. She loved Shanghai, which thrummed with the promise of glamorous, fast-paced living. But she was still an “ethnic person.” If she told a new acquaintance where she was from, it usually derailed the conversation. Some people, believing that “barbarians” lived in Xinjiang, expressed surprise that she spoke Mandarin fluently. Just before she completed her degree, the tech company Huawei hosted a job fair, and Sabit and her friends applied. She was the only one not offered an interview—because of her origins, she was sure.
Sabit学业出色，她2004年高中毕业后来到上海学习俄语，为出国发展创造机会。她很喜欢上海，那里充满了迷人的快节奏生活。但她仍然是一个"少民"。如果她告诉一个刚认识的人她家乡在哪里，通常会导致谈话偏题。有的人认为新疆住的都是"野蛮人"，对她能说一口流利的普通话表示惊讶。就在她完成学业之前，科技公司华为举办了一场招聘会，萨比特和她的朋友们都去应聘。她是唯一一个没有得到面试机会的人--她相信这是肯定是因为她的出身。
Sabit brushed off this kind of prejudice, and became adept at eliding her background; when circumstances allowed, she fibbed and said that she was from some other region. She found a well-paying job with an investment company. The work was exciting—involving travel to places like Russia, Laos, and Hong Kong—and she liked her boss and her colleagues.
Sabit拂去这种偏见，同时变得善于隐瞒自己的背景；只要情况允许，她就撒谎说自己来自其他地区。她在一家投资公司找到了一份高薪的工作。工作充满激情--需要去俄罗斯、老挝和香港等地旅行。她喜欢她的老板和同事。
While Sabit was in Shanghai, her parents immigrated to Kazakhstan. They urged her to move there, too, but she resisted their pleas, believing that China was a more powerful country, more forward-leaning. She had spent most of her life striving to be a model citizen, and was convinced that her future lay with China—even as the politics of her homeland grew more fraught.
Sabit还在上海的时候，她的父母移民到了哈萨克斯坦。他们劝她也搬过去，但她拒绝了他们的请求，认为中国是一个更强大、更具有前瞻性的国家。她一生中的大部分时间都在努力做一个模范公民，她坚信她的未来就在中国--即使这个国家的政治正在越来越充满变数。
In 2009, a fight broke out in a toy factory in the southern province of Guangdong. Amid the melee, two Uyghur employees were killed by a Han mob. The next month, hundreds of Uyghurs took to the streets of Xinjiang’s capital city, Ürümqi, waving Chinese flags and chanting “Uyghur”—a call to be seen by the country’s leadership. The police cracked down, and riots erupted. Hundreds of people were injured or killed, and hundreds were arrested. More than forty Uyghurs were presumed disappeared. Dozens were later sentenced to death.
A year after the riots, Sabit was travelling to Kyrgyzstan with a group of co-workers. While trying to catch a connecting flight in Ürümqi, she was pulled aside by the authorities and told that, because she was from Xinjiang, she needed special permission to proceed. As her colleagues went ahead, she had to spend a day at a bureau for ethnic and religious affairs, getting the papers that she needed.
2009年，南方省份广东的一家玩具厂发生斗殴事件。两名维吾尔族员工在混战中被汉族暴徒杀害。次月，数百名维吾尔人走上新疆首府于鲁木齐的街头，挥舞着中国国旗，高呼 "维吾尔"--这是在向国家领导人喊话。警方进行了镇压，随后爆发了骚乱。数百人受伤或死亡，数百人被捕。据报道四十多名维吾尔族人失踪，其中的几十人后来被判处死刑。
骚乱发生一年后，萨比特与一群同事前往吉尔吉斯斯坦。当她试图在乌鲁木齐转机时，她被当局拉到一边，并被告知，因为她来自新疆，所以需要特别许可才能前往。她的同事先走一步，而她不得不在民族和宗教事务局花一天时间办理所需证件。
Having absorbed the Party’s propaganda, she believed that such measures were necessary. Still, she began to feel a deep alienation. No matter where she went in China, she remained an outsider. One day, back in Shanghai, she looked up at the city’s towering apartment buildings and asked herself, “What do they have to do with me?”
Not long afterward, she talked with a friend who had moved to Vancouver. Sabit flew over for a visit and was drawn to the openness and opportunity that she found; whenever she told a Canadian that she was from Xinjiang, the response was warm curiosity. She enrolled in a business-diploma program, and that summer she returned and found an apartment and a roommate. She landed a job as a junior accountant in a Vancouver company. She fell in with a circle of friends. She had met a man whom she loved. Her life was on a course that she had set, and it was good.
由于接受过党的宣传，她当时认为这种措施是必要的。但她还是开始感到深深的疏离感。无论走到中国哪里，她都是一个局外人。终于有一天，回到上海，她抬头望着这座城市高耸入云的公寓楼，对自己说："这是我想要的生活吗？"
不久后，萨比特认识了一位移民温哥华的朋友。飞过去参观之后，她被这里的开放和机会所吸引，每当她告诉加拿大人她来自新疆，得到的回应都是热情和好奇。她报名参加了一个商业文凭课程，同年夏天，她回到温哥华，跟室友合租了一套公寓。她在温哥华一家公司找到了一份初级会计的工作。她融入了一个朋友圈。她遇到了一个她爱的男人。她的人生走上了自己设定的轨道，而且很美好。
一年没上品韭，韭民平均智商已经从晒毕业证退化到小学生了……
标题直译为“中国政府是如何镇压那些反对迫害维族的中国人的”
@Truth #135046 SinoCrypt并不是真的用来作加密通信的（32bit安全性是很糟糕的），而是设计成一种抗审查手段，使关键词过滤失去作用。如果需要进行加密通信，最好还是用PGP。
@silent #135044 是的，所以推荐用法是把密文和密钥分开写在不同地方，而不是写在一起，让自动化审查无法工作。另外就是每个人表达密钥的方式可以不同，可以用方括号，可以用圆括号，可以用提示词。
顺便提一下，如果把口号写在明文里，政府可以解密再审查。
如果把口号写在密钥里，但解密出来的内容都是歌颂祖国的内容，就没办法审查了。由于人天然有解密东西的欲望，会主动过来询问密钥，此时用谜语提示密钥即可。
@silent #135038 有的，但需要在js里面重新实现一次，https://2047.name/p/135039
@yr一树梨花扶海棠 #135001 没有问题，我的文字只要注明出处随便发
你们为什么不直接删除，还要跟他继续聊……
至于港独，港独怎么了，好过抵制香港棉花吧
专有软件的收入来自商业活动（用户付钱购买现实的好处）。
自由软件的收入来自政治活动（用户捐款是因为相信你未来对他有好处）。
所以自由软件这碗饭，自始至终都离不开政治，因为大家内心不认可的东西，是收不到捐款的。
这次RMS事件，两边分别值多少钱？只有FSF自己知道。
生物识别护照(Biometric Passport，https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biometric_passport)芯片内部是有私钥的，所以只要有对应的公钥，理论上我们可以用中华人民共和国护照+NFC读卡器，实现由第三方验证的全民公投。
绝大部分国家的公钥都在ICAO的Pub key directory里面，包括中华人民共和国：https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Civil_Aviation_Organization_Public_Key_Directory
https://download.pkd.icao.int/download
其他国家的入境处，就是通过这些公钥，去验证各国护照内部的私钥，以防止伪造的。
需要有NFC读取护照经验的网友帮忙。
@Truth #134429 一个国家的人，去敌国参加战斗，成为了敌人，被讨厌很正常。但是讨厌不一定要骂，伤不了人家一根毛，还显得自己弱势。
吕超然讲中文骗志愿军，说明学外语很有用，啥时候咱们的祁发宝团长能讲两句英文？
中国值得骂的事情有很多，但是骂那些会被封号，所以那些忍不住要骂人的人，就只能挑一些安全的东西来骂。本以为美国是敌人，就去骂美国，结果骂太狠还是被封号了。最后就只能骂汉奸。这些人是可悲的，我们不要在他们身上浪费时间。
今天的俄罗斯至少有了民主政治的框架
判断一个国家是否民主，同样也不能简单看是否有“民主的框架“。
俄罗斯的民主确实是只有一个框架，投票非常rigged，但至少大家都有机会投票。民众一旦受了民主的洗礼，就很难再接受独裁；此外俄罗斯网络封锁也没有中国严重，允许民众通过各种方式传递信息。正因如此，alexei号召大家投票给第二候选人的做法，才让普京当局万分恐慌。
所以俄罗斯的民主程度，如果按美国60分的话，大概有20分，比中国的5分还是先进不少。
共产党也讲中文，也诈骗中国人上朝鲜前线当炮灰，这些华人怎么不批评共产党啊。
而且吕超然生在美国又不是他自己的选择。类似深圳裔空降兵 高天才 那种才是自己选择去当美军的。
删掉了部分粗言秽语。
新品葱最知名的一次活动是全球华人学生晒毕业证封面支持理大。事后国内社交媒体有人评论说毕业证是可以买的，说明毕业证不是一个好的proof of education.
仅出示毕业证封面：
出示毕业证公章：
出示毕业证全文：
除此之外，因为留学生大部分没有入籍，proof of education不等但近似于proof of nationality.
我看维族人可以搞个 Stop Uyghur Hate 嘛，用语言腐败对付语言腐败
It's cheaper to just ban certain ID than implementing this in python.
controversial users like 天下无贼 are VERY RARE.
很遗憾，两者暂时没有任何关系。
当来者是孙中山时，我不会介意美国法律对未成年的定义是什么
@mlsayu_rkesee 如果你每次发言都是隔一段时间删掉，还不如不要发言，因为别人对你的回答会因为失去上下文而变得没有意义。
现在这个问题都不存在了呀，不是都要开始鼓励生育甚至开始考虑征收“单身税”、“丁克税”了嘛？？？
目前中国仍然是计划生育的，只不过在参数上做了调整。生一窝仍然是要交罚款的。
我们是应该继续调整参数，来维持某种平衡，还是直接给它取消呢？
而且能否征得到还要另说，毕竟，当征收的“抚养费”已经大于非法途径生子所需金额时——富人：我又不傻，我还可以继续“私生子/海外生子/代孕…”呀。
所以抚养费标准应该按照非法生育实际成本进行调整，以最大化该项收入。
因此除非制定非常夸张、夸张到连底层都会为富人叫屈的税收政策，不然的话对“济贫”的贡献真的不会太大。
经济贡献本来就不大，想讨论的是公平问题。相比现行的计划生育，大部分人是否更愿意支持一个新的计划生育政策，还是支持彻底取消计划生育？
从统计数据上来看，反而是越穷的人生得越多。
那么是不是可以认为，彻底取消计划生育政策，是对穷人最大的福利？
粗看之下，维族人与沙特土耳其切割的紧迫性并不逊于中国人与CCP切割的紧迫性。
然而在油比人贵、人权弱于油权的这个世界，推广自由民主的费效比实在是令人尴尬。
推荐使用迷雾通。并不希望渲染出一种国内用户访问本站很危险，以至于要发声明退网的氛围。
祝一帆风顺。
很重要的问题：oplog有延迟。
故意设计如此，刷新即可。
既然出现了职业网评员，封禁事项是要重视起来了。对于他们的封禁理由需要统一。
封五毛理由可以直接写五毛
不论是MasterChief还是无贼，我都找不到容不得他们的理由。
我有很多理由。理由不在于有没有，而在于其他人是否承认。
Q1: The register page of 2047 said that "用户名需符合 ^[0-9a-zA-Z\u4e00-\u9fbb-_.]{2,16}$". It perplexed me a lot since insofar as I know no one adopt such a complicated username. I wonder if what you exactly want to express is that a password shall be as convoluted as that.
it's a regular expression.
Q2: The time of post in 2049bbs times is displayed in the form of "yyyy-mm-dd"(e.g. 2020-04-01), but I don't know why later it was changed into "mm-dd"(e.g. 12-01). Although currently we can easily tell whether a post was created in 2020 or 2021, things might be different at some point in the late of 2021.
older timestamps will show yyyy.
无贼的问题就在于2047这个小社群里有一小半人坚决不容他，那么作为站长，驱逐无贼就是权衡利弊之后的唯一选择。出了这样的事，不论是增订制度也好，还是批评站长也罢，甚至就算反对驱逐的人用实际行动来抵制该决定，都不能解决根本问题：小社群里有一小半人坚决不容他。
我可以把MasterChief也封禁，这样这个事情就彻底结束了。
@MasterChief #134065 你少说两句吧。
概括：闽南背景的走私集团船只在台湾海峡加油之后开到了朝鲜，途中关闭或伪造无线电信号，但被美国的卫星从天上拍到了。
想起一个家里是讲闽南话的熟人，就是做海上加油生意的，由于不用交税，非常赚钱，干几年就能退休了。
@MasterChief #134040 管理员民主并不能避免下面这种情况：
2/3管理员投票认为川普是垃圾，1/3管理员投票认为川普是上帝，最终结论：川普是垃圾，然后1/3管理员出走。
从网站的角度，让1/3管理员出走的制度肯定不是好制度。我首先需要对网站的发展负责，其次才是对个别用户负责。
