2049BBS

我记得好像多年前各地就有类似措施（公交车配保安），简单搜了下有成都（14年）、西安（16年）、厦门（今年初）等地，不过之前应该主要是怕乘客搞事情，而不是司机。不过我觉得配保安这种措施不能解决根本问题，如果司机存心要搞事情，肯定能找到机会。老虎也有打盹的时候，更何况一般保安远远达不到老虎的凶猛程度和警觉性。

看完后几个感想：

1. 这个妹子脸型五官底子很好，各种妆容都好看。

2. 想起人脸识别对于黑人的准确率目前还比较低，视频1中也提到将肤色调黑后手机都认不出来，嗯，有意思。

3. 如果学过素描色彩，是不是学习化妆事半功倍呢？反之亦然？

@掀翻小池塘 #29 谁问你有没有飞机大炮了，我也没说你不能发文啊，dang干啥又和我有啥关系,我就是个想要投机的利己主义者啊。

你想不想上街，会不会上街，你开心就好，为也没要以此来Judge你啊，别激动。你这老扯开话题让我们的沟通变得好难啊

这篇文章非常有意思。

看下来，感觉冯小刚和王朔叶京（以及姜文）这些大院子弟的隔阂，除了性格、眼界和追求不同，很多来自于原生阶层的差异（看冯对王一口一个“爷”的，咳）。

（一）里面有句话很有意思：

冯小刚已经有了自己的人生信条：“你每说一句话，不是你自己高不高兴，是要知道人家高不高兴，你能走多远，取决于你取悦他人的程度。”

这种人生信条，就是“小人”的一大特征。但是如果说冯是“小人”，我觉得这种“小人”与其说是来自他的人品，不如说是来自他的阶层。（古人所言“小人”，原就是常将社会地位和人品的“小人”混用的。）从下向上攀爬，改变阶层，本来就不是件容易的事；善于察言观色看他人脸色行事之人，除了本身的性格和价值观影响，也往往是被生活磨练得如此。相反，出身好的人，很多都带有一种贵族式的“傲”，说是傲气也好，傲骨也好，或许两者都有，但是就是一种自然而然的“傲”。他们往往看不起有“奴才道德”的人——或者说，通过取悦他人向上爬的人；有些人即使自己潦倒也不屑于这样去做。

@掀翻小池塘 #39

中国一场饥荒都能饿死三千万。 世界屠夫大排名，毛腊肉牢牢占据榜首，无人能匹敌

@掀翻小池塘 #29 就真的离谱。。。聊A你能扯B，然后去聊B你又扯C。。。

@爱狗却养猫 #3

热战不可能，但禁止中共入境美国还有点可能，只是彻底冷战

所谓“红朝江山”，其实老共不是不关心“江山”，也关心的，只不过“红朝”两字，在“江山”之前罢了。

@小火车车 #43 我25-26行不叫正面回应，下面是谁在给我绕弯？什么叫选择性忽略，大家看的清清楚楚。行，你睡你的，已经没什么好讲的了。

@掀翻小池塘 #19

这个我要说一下， 真正的正义是善心和武德兼备，两者本为一体。只有武德而没有善心会沦为下一个恶龙；如果光有善心没有武德那就是傻子，是当权者造出来的顺民。如同Nacl，这是一个对人体健康非常重要，又是一切美味来源的调味料，但是如果把Na和Cl分开，无论哪个，都是夺命的毒药。

@小火车车 #31 我只是在正面回应你的问题，能扯的离谱的是你吧？是谁提的国民党，一路过来问人哪时候起义的

@掀翻小池塘 #33 抗日不过是中国老百姓给美国，英国，苏联，国民党，共产党，当炮灰

@掀翻小池塘 #21 不抗日就对了，为什么要抗日？蒋介石不是被逼也不抗日，你很仇日么？抗日真的是爱国么？抗日真的是为中国老百姓好么？被一群贪官污吏剥削压迫能比被日本人统治好多少？

@electron8964 #45 这么厉害的一个人，在中国被崇拜也就不奇怪了

你能叫醒一个沉睡的人，但你永远都无法叫醒一个装睡的人。

@小火车车 #41 漏洞在哪，你还有什么要指出的吗？我在文中明确回应你的观点，结果是谁诉诸武力说什么“哪时候才能替天行道”了？

@掀翻小池塘 #33 抗日不过对美国苏联英国国民党共产党有利

@掀翻小池塘 #39 可是你的逻辑确实有些漏洞啊，你不想要让这个文章的论证过程更加有说服力一些吗。

@掀翻小池塘 #33 你一直在扯偏。。。我也扯不回去啊。。。

@掀翻小池塘 #42 我上边指出了不少吧？可能你都选择性忽略了吧。感觉再提一遍我们就会顺着刚才的路子再跑一遍偏。。。之前的你半点都没明确正面回应啊😂，你都没看到吗。。。算了，困了，你开心就好。碎觉去了

@阿離 #32 “真正的正义是善心和武德兼备”，这点我非常同意。

@大自然大自然 #34 我不仇日，但共产党的矛盾点就在这里，二战日军杀伤的中国军民也远没有国共内战的两千万人，结果既没有得到国家，也没有保住百姓。我在帖子里就是为了指出这一荒唐之处。

@electron8964 #2 我感觉这个措施不太会真的实施，如果实施估计范围也有限，除非真的下定决心打“热战”了。如果真的到那一步，不止是中国美国的问题，而是全世界的问题了。

@小火车车 #23 打仗厉害就可以独立建国然后加入苏联，甚至可以试着废除汉语，上台后饿死上千万人，还有人为之洗地，所以为什么我说有的中国人奴性重啊。

@小火车车 #20 "抗日战争时GCD又不是执政党"？那我用数字告诉你，1936年底红军仅存不过2万人马，1945年军队已经120万，控制了1亿人口。你党不派人上前线，就知道躲在陕北的窑洞里炕日。

@小火车车 #28 这和我发了这篇文章有什么关系吗？没有飞机大炮就不可以在这发文？既然你党这么喜欢诉诸武力，那么受到别国制裁的时候要么动武，要么把嘴闭上别谈什么道义恶心人。老子在墙外过的很舒服。

我在本站曾经回帖说过，如果有全国的起义我也会走上街头。如果你想先动手，我们签一份生死状，来加拿大找个地方决斗。即使在我有生之年共产党不倒又怎么样？至今没有一个政党可以千秋万世执政，你们多加点油吧，不然到时候怎么处置共产党可由不得我。

@掀翻小池塘 #25 不知道，你说没打过，我就信了呗，然后我觉得那国军就得是真废物啊

@掀翻小池塘 #21 战后的国民党也是有了美式装备也强了很多啊，变强了=没打仗？这个逻辑还是有点奇怪的。共产党如果一点仗没打只是招兵的话，新兵在内战里能打得过国军吗？你不会觉得兵招来放着直接就会打仗吧？

https://www.douban.com/people/mackalex/status/3030601280/

貌似左中右都挺高兴

还是直接给链接吧。 可以看下转发的，里面支持的人更多。 不过也不要对川普有太高的期待

@掀翻小池塘 #21 那你这个逻辑要是成立的话只能说明国军更垃圾，打了四年，内战开始时老兵加新兵四五百万，装备优势，打不过共产党完全没上过战场的120万，连守都守不住。

@小火车车 #22 你说说，共产党打了那那些仗，战果如何？来，洗耳恭听

@掀翻小池塘 #26 是，你的自由精神让人敬佩～你准备何时起义！何时替天行道呢😂

四年是typo，想写八年来着

最近的一系列动作，我感觉中美双方都在和对方说：我不怕冷战。

欧美对于中共的态度，其实不止于经济利益。其忌惮中国成为下一个类似纳粹德国这样的存在的顾虑，越来越深，这种考量会使得欧美国家做出很多乍看起来不理性的事；但他们基于的理性是，极权国家的外交政策激进而不可预测，需要增大风险预估，提早遏制。

《我们是加速主义接班人》

原曲：中共少先队队歌（《我们是共产主义接班人》）

@electron8964 #2 是啊，看看前苏联那些加盟共和国的领导人，在苏联解体各国独立后，均显出原形，再不嚷嚷什么马列了，直接就是搞独裁和资本主义，之前的全是幌子而已。。

这个版本也是有什么人察觉到了各个版本的异同，再把内容拼凑到一起的，有重复的地方，也不是全文，我看在一个小网站看到过全文的，后来找不到了。

@掀翻小池塘 #18 不知道你在说啥，事实就是共产党成功的保卫了东北，而朝鲜战争的意义至少对中共政权以及当时的中国来说也是很重大的。别的不说，美国打越战时地面部队从来不越过北纬14度，就是因为中共的要求，而朝鲜战争时中共要求的别越过38线却没被理睬，还是拳头大小的问题啊。

抗日战争时GCD又不是执政党，全国的税收，海外华侨的捐款，国际援助也没给到中共的。你说中共有黑点没问题，可国军黑点更多吧😂？上海南京那几仗、武汉保卫战、黄河决堤、远征军、第三次长沙会战，槽点都太多了。说到底，还是弱。

内容简介

上世紀五、六十年代之交，在中國大陸發生了一場歷史上罕見的大饑荒，從1958年至1962年期間，據不完全統計，中國餓死了三千六百萬人，因飢餓使得出生率降低，少出生人數估計為四千萬上下，餓死人數加上飢餓而少出生人數共計七千多萬人，這不僅是中國歷史上所發生的災荒中死亡人數最多的一次巨災，也是人類當代史中最為慘痛的空前大悲劇。

究竟這是一場天災還是由「人禍」所造成的大災荒呢？官方對此或含糊其詞，或有意掩蓋，竭力淡化這一歷史事實。然而，劉少奇當年曾對毛澤東說過：「餓死這麼多人，歷史上要寫上你我的，人相食，要上書的。」可是，時至今日，在中國內地仍未能見到有一本紀錄這一場大災難的信史問世。

本書作者從事新聞工作數十年，他窮數年之功，跑遍了當年災難最嚴重的十幾個省份，親自查閱無數公開或秘藏的檔案與記錄，訪問當事人，反覆查證，以史筆之心與新聞記者的良知，數易其稿，真實地再現了這段慘絕人寰的人間痛史，並以大量的事實和數據，條分縷析造成這場大饑饉的主因並非天災，而是在氣候正常的年景，在一個沒有戰爭、沒有瘟疫的和平發展年代裡所發生的慘劇，作者還深刻地指出，這個中國當代史上的大饑荒的成因及結果，也間接引發了另一場浩劫 ── 文化大革命。

本書篇幅宏大，材料豐富，許多史料乃為首次披露，內容震撼，觸目驚心，有令人不忍卒讀之概。現在還活著的五十多歲以上的中國人對這場大饑荒應還記憶猶新，這是一本承載了許許多多老百姓的集體記憶之書，亦是為那三千六百多萬受難者所立下的紀念「墓碑」之墓誌銘。

下载链接

Library Genesis和b-ok.cc 图书添加指南

内容简介

二十世纪的历史将以最浓重的笔墨，记载着人类的两大悲剧，法西斯的暴行和文革浩劫，凡这两大灾难的经历者，都在努力忘它，却又无法忘记它…

下载链接

Library Genesis和b-ok.cc 图书添加指南

中国人的劣根性，就表现在屠夫崇拜，对杀人如麻的俯首称臣，根本不在乎什么对错是非。这在中共的统治下表现的淋漓尽致。

@小火车车 #14 比起国民党，共产党在抗日上面是几乎没有贡献的，我们又有什么理由相信能保住东北？一个对国家毫无忠诚的政党谈魄力是很可笑的。宁愿在朝鲜战场牺牲几十万人也不去保卫自己的国土，这不是能力问题而是选择问题。

不过有一说一，今天的海参崴对俄罗斯的重要性已经没有当年重要了。全球变暖，以前东北亚只有海参崴这一个温水港，现在俄罗斯的海岸线上是有好几个的。诚然领土这东西，现代国家没有哪个会轻易放弃的，何况是毛子这种只能靠拳头说话的民族，只能说现在的难度比一个世纪之前的简单了很多。

不过说一千到一万，对大陆来说，现在都没有和俄国交恶的理由吧？战略目标上不冲突，俄罗斯想要西进，大陆要南下东扩，再说哪个老二疯了，要在老大咄咄逼人的时候去招惹老三啊😂，嫌命长吗。

雅尔塔会议实际上为了让苏联对日宣战，是把东北亚的局势议定的比日俄战争之前的形式对苏联还有利的，印象中对日本的规划也是南北分治，更别说外蒙和东北了。何况从苏联拿回领土谈何容易啊，当年的两极之一，到了今天俄罗斯还是核武第一，国际政治，不还是丛林法则吗

中国是大陆文明，自古以来，最大的危险就来自北方，也就是“长城魔咒”。任何一个中国历史上的政权，北方一但有异动，就得全力应对北方的威胁。路上和海上，同一时间只能顾得上一个。现在如果想要和海洋文明争高下，想要南海等海疆不失，北方就得能稳住。

和北方要不就是和北方搞好关系，要不就是想办法对付北方解决威胁。从地缘政治的角度来说，这也是为啥当年大陆选择和美国建交，先削弱苏联。

@厠所管理員 #4

他才刚刚开始开YouTube账号，但海外毕竟人少一点

@掀翻小池塘 #10

中朝友谊，怎么能叫割让，这是赠送！

U.S. Weighs Sweeping Travel Ban on Chinese Communist Party Members

The presidential order under consideration would be based on the same statute in the Immigration and Nationality Act used in a 2017 travel ban on several predominantly Muslim countries.

The Trump administration is considering a sweeping ban on travel to the United States by members of the Chinese Communist Party and their families, according to people familiar with the proposal, a move that would almost certainly prompt retaliation against Americans seeking to enter or remain in China and exacerbate tensions between the two nations.

The presidential proclamation, still in draft form, could also authorize the United States government to revoke the visas of party members and their families who are already in the country, leading to their expulsion. Some proposed language is also aimed at limiting travel to the United States by members of the People’s Liberation Army and executives at state-owned enterprises, though many of them are likely to also be party members.

Details of the plan, described by four people with knowledge of the discussions, have not yet been finalized, and President Trump might ultimately reject it. While the president and his campaign strategists have been intent on portraying him as tough on China for re-election purposes, Mr. Trump has vacillated wildly in both his language and actions on the Chinese government since taking office in 2017. He has criticized China on some issues, particularly trade. But he has also lavished praise on President Xi Jinping, pleaded with Mr. Xi to help him win re-election and remained silent or even explicitly approved of the repression in Hong Kong and Xinjiang.

There are practical issues as well. The Chinese Communist Party has 92 million members. Almost three million Chinese citizens visited the United States in 2018, though the numbers have plummeted because of the coronavirus pandemic and the current ban on most travelers from China. The U.S. government has no knowledge of party status for a vast majority of them. So trying to immediately identify party members to either prevent their entry or expel those already in the United States would be difficult.

The presidential order would cite the same statute in the Immigration and Nationality Act used in a 2017 travel ban on a number of predominantly Muslim countries that gives the president power to temporarily block travel to the U.S. by foreign nationals who are deemed “detrimental to the interests of the United States.” The 2017 ban was fought in the courts and expanded this year.

Such a broad ban would be the most provocative action against China by the United States since the start of the trade war between the two countries in 2018. It would further poison U.S.-China relations, even after several years of open clashes over economics, technology and global influence have led some diplomats and analysts to draw comparisons to a new Cold War.

Officials at the White House, State Department and Department of Homeland Security have been involved in the discussion over the ban. Spokesmen for the White House National Security Council and the State Department declined to comment on Wednesday, and one for the Department of Homeland Security did not return a request for comment.

Officials at those agencies also continue to debate a variety of formulations for banning Chinese travel to the United States short of barring all party members, such as targeting only the 25 members of the ruling Politburo and their families.

In recent months, top administration officials have tried to draw a distinction between party members and other Chinese, saying the party must be punished for its actions — and its global ambitions must be thwarted. They have loudly denounced what they call the evils of the Chinese Communist Party, pointing to the role of its officials in the cover-up of the initial coronavirus outbreak, the detentions of one million or more Muslims in internment camps and the dismantling of civil liberties in Hong Kong.

The Communist Party is both a powerful and mundane part of life in China. While its leaders maintain control of domestic and foreign policy, those on lower rungs do everything from supervising schools to managing neighborhood-level governance. In recent decades, many citizens joined to get a leg up in a wide range of sectors: business, academia and even the arts. Many party members do not conform to official ideology; some are Christians who attend underground churches, for example.

Many Chinese outside the party praise the top leadership but complain about corruption among local officials.

Counting party members as well as their families, the ban could technically bar travel to the United States for as many as 270 million people, according to one internal administration estimate.

“The overwhelming majority of C.C.P. members have no involvement or input into Beijing’s policymaking, so going after the entire party membership is like China sanctioning all Republicans because of frustrations with Trump,” said Jude Blanchette, a China scholar at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. “Such a move would inflame public opinion in China, as this would target nearly 10 percent of the entire Chinese population and would do so based on blanket assertions of guilt.”

Besides the iterations of the 2017 travel ban, the Trump administration has put in place other entry restrictions. This year, during the pandemic, it has banned entry for most citizens of China as well as those from the European Union and some other nations. And last month, it blocked employment visas and extended restrictions on issuance of green cards, moves that would keep as many as 525,000 foreign workers out of the United States for the rest of the year.

The State Department has also announced visa restrictions on various categories of Chinese citizens. These include officials responsible for the mass internment and surveillance of Muslim ethnic minorities in the Xinjiang region and journalists working in the United States.

In May, American officials said the government was canceling the visas of graduate or higher-level students in the United States who had ties to certain Chinese military institutions — the first ban on a category of Chinese students, who make up the largest group of international students in the country.

After Mr. Trump signed the Hong Kong Autonomy Act on Tuesday, the State Department was expected to propose names of Chinese officials overseeing repression in Hong Kong for visa and economic sanctions.

And on Wednesday, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced a ban on some employees of Chinese technology companies, including Huawei, that “provide material support to regimes engaging in human rights abuses globally.”

He added, “Telecommunications companies around the world should consider themselves on notice: If they are doing business with Huawei, they are doing business with human rights abusers.”

Despite Mr. Trump’s admiration for Mr. Xi, national security officials have tried to push tough policies on China that are designed to counter what they view as dangerous expansionist actions by Chinese leaders and agencies. The pandemic and Beijing’s recent actions on Hong Kong have helped push relations between the two nations to the lowest point in decades.

At the same time, some of Mr. Trump’s top economic advisers have promoted a softer approach to China, warning of further damage to the world economy and falling stock markets. Those advisers and allies among American executives are likely to oppose a broad visa ban on Communist Party members, some of whom do business with American corporations.

A broad ban would give the State Department new powers to block top Chinese political and business leaders and their families from entering the United States. It would also allow the department to formalize a process by which American officials could inquire about party status during visa application interviews and on forms. Under the draft proclamation, the Department of Homeland Security would share responsibility for carrying out the ban.

Several Chinese citizens who have traveled to the United States in recent years said they did not recall any questions on visa applications asking if they were party members.

Language in the draft proclamation stresses recent egregious behavior by China, in particular theft of intellectual property by Chinese state actors and so-called exit bans used by security officials to prevent some U.S. citizens from leaving China. This month, the State Department renewed a travel warning, saying the Chinese authorities engaged in “arbitrary enforcement of local laws for purposes other than maintaining law and order,” which could include “detention and the use of exit bans.”

On Tuesday, the Trump administration reversed course on an order that would have subjected international students to deportation if they did not physically attend classes during the pandemic, after American universities filed a lawsuit.

Still, the administration has stood by its visa actions focused more narrowly on China. The Chinese government has continued with its own harsh visa actions, and even widened them to the nonrenewal of work permits for Western journalists in Hong Kong.

At a speech in Beijing this month, Wang Yi, the foreign minister of China, said the China-U.S. relationship was facing its “most severe challenge” since the normalization of diplomatic ties in 1979.

“Some say that China-U.S. relations will not be able to return to its past,” he said. “But that should not mean ignoring the history altogether and starting all over again, let alone impractical decoupling. It should mean building on past achievements and keeping pace with the times.”

Julian E. Barnes contributed reporting.

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据知情人士透露，特朗普政府正在考虑全面禁止中共党员及其家属赴美旅行，拟议中的总统公告还可能授权美国政府撤销在美中共党员及其家属的签证。此举几乎肯定会招致中国报复，并加剧两国之间的紧张关系。

https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/15/us/politics/china-travel-ban.html

还不说东北，要是国民政府执政，苏联在东北占的铁路、港口没那么容易吐出来，说不定想去大连玩还得办签证😂