@愛牛奶盒的人 #110709 mua~

李白：古風五十九首（其二）

蟾蜍薄太清，蝕此瑤台月。

圓光虧中天，金魄遂淪沒。

蝃蝀入紫微，大明夷朝暉。

浮雲隔兩曜，萬象昏陰霏。

蕭蕭長門宮，昔是今已非。

桂蠹花不實，天霜下嚴威。

沉嘆終永夕，感我涕沾衣。

李白：清平調

雲想衣裳花想容，春風拂檻露華濃。

若非群玉山頭見，會向瑤台月下逢。

曹植：洛神賦（部分）

其形也，翩若驚鴻，婉若遊龍。榮曜秋菊，華茂春松。髣髴兮若輕雲之蔽月，飄颻兮若流風之回雪。遠而望之，皎若太陽升朝霞；迫而察之，灼若芙蕖出淥波。穠纖得衷，修短合度。肩若削成，腰如約素。延頸秀項，皓質呈露。芳澤無加，鉛華弗禦。雲髻峨峨，修眉聯娟。丹唇外朗，皓齒內鮮。明眸善睞，靨輔承權。瓌姿艷逸，儀靜體閒。柔情綽態，媚於語言。奇服曠世，骨像應圖。披羅衣之璀粲兮，珥瑤碧之華琚。戴金翠之首飾，綴明珠以耀軀。踐遠遊之文履，曳霧綃之輕裾。微幽蘭之芳藹兮，步踟躕於山隅。於是忽焉縱體，以遨以嬉。左倚採旄，右蔭桂旗。攘皓腕於神滸兮，採湍瀨之玄芝。

李白：古朗月行

小時不識月，呼作白玉盤。

又疑瑤台鏡，飛在青雲端。

仙人垂兩足，桂樹何團團。

白兔搗藥成，問言與誰餐？

蟾蜍蝕圓影，大明夜已殘。

羿昔落九烏，天人清且安。

陰精此淪惑，去去不足觀。

憂來其如何？淒愴摧心肝。

曹雪芹：芙蓉女兒誄

天何如是之蒼蒼兮，乘玉虯以遊乎穹窿耶？

地何如是之茫茫兮，駕瑤像以降乎泉壤耶？

望傘蓋之陸離兮，抑箕尾之光耶？

列羽葆而為前導兮，衛危虛於傍耶？

驅豐隆以為庇從兮，望舒月以臨耶？

聽車軌而伊軋兮，禦鸞鷖以徵耶？

聞馥郁而薆然兮，紉蘅杜以為纕耶？

炫裙裾之爍爍兮，鏤明月以為璫耶？

借葳蕤而成壇畤兮，檠蓮焰以燭蘭膏耶？

文瓠瓟以為觶斝兮，漉醽醁以浮桂醑耶？

瞻雲氣而凝盼兮，彷彿有所覘耶？

俯窈窕而屬耳兮，恍惚有所聞耶？

期汗漫而無夭閼兮，忍捐棄予於塵埃耶？

倩風廉之為餘驅車兮，冀聯轡而攜歸耶？

餘中心為之慨然兮，徒噭噭而何為耶？

卿偃然而長寢兮，豈天運之變於斯耶？

既窀穸且安穩兮，反其真而又奚化耶？

餘猶桎梏而懸附兮，靈格餘以嗟來耶？

來兮止兮，卿其來耶？

屈原 九歌·東皇太一

吉日兮辰良，穆將愉兮上皇；

撫長劍兮玉珥，璆鏘鳴兮琳瑯；

瑤席兮玉瑱，盍將把兮瓊芳；

蕙餚蒸兮蘭藉，奠桂酒兮椒漿；

揚枹兮拊鼓，疏緩節兮安歌；

陳竽瑟兮浩倡；

靈偃蹇兮姣服，芳菲菲兮滿堂；

五音紛兮繁會，君欣欣兮樂康。

大司命

廣開兮天門，紛吾乘兮玄云；

令飄風兮先驅，使涷雨兮灑塵；

君迴翔兮以下，逾空桑兮從女；

紛總總兮九州，何壽夭兮在予；

高飛兮安翔，乘清氣兮禦陰陽；

吾與君兮齊速，導帝之兮九坑；

靈衣兮被被，玉佩兮陸離；

一陰兮一陽，眾莫知兮餘所為；

折疏麻兮瑤華，將以遺兮離居；

老冉冉兮既極，不寖近兮愈疏；

乘龍兮轔轔，高馳兮沖天；

結桂枝兮延佇，羌愈思兮愁人；

愁人兮奈何，願若今兮無虧；

固人命兮有當，孰離合兮可為？

詩經·國風·衛風·木瓜

投我以木瓜，報之以瓊琚。匪報也，永以為好也！

投我以木桃，報之以瓊瑤。匪報也，永以為好也！

投我以木李，報之以瓊玖。匪報也，永以為好也！

江淹 別賦（部分）

又若君居淄右，妾家河陽，同瓊珮之晨照，共金爐之夕香。君結綬兮千里，惜瑤草之徒芳。慚幽閨之琴瑟，晦高台之流黃。春宮閟此青苔色，秋帳含此明月光，夏簟清兮晝不暮，冬釭凝兮夜何長！織錦曲兮泣已盡，回文詩兮影獨傷。

黃庭堅 水調歌頭

瑤草一何碧，春入武陵溪。溪上桃花無數，枝上有黃鸝。我欲穿花尋路，直入白雲深處，浩氣展虹霓。只恐花深裡，紅露濕人衣。

坐玉石，倚玉枕，拂金徽。謫仙何處？無人伴我白螺杯。我為靈芝仙草，不為朱唇丹臉，長嘯亦何為？醉舞下山去，明月逐人歸。

李清照 浣溪沙

小院閒窗春已深，重簾未卷影沉沉。倚樓無語理瑤琴。

遠岫出雲催薄暮，細風吹雨弄輕陰。梨花欲謝恐難禁。

不支持川普不等于左媒不等于和中共勾兑；

ps，悄悄告诉你，在品葱眼里BBC、华盛顿邮报、daily mail、纽约时报都是中共的钓鱼媒体，懦夫斯基先生亲口说的——

也许这个世界不乏善人，但多数情况是党国派出来的网警。https://pincong.rocks/article/2612

言归正传，BBC作为一个媒体，发的文章大可以不写立场，毕竟选举的不是英国首相而是美国总统。但我个人认为为了舆论战的需要，选举双方可能都在BBC上发文。也许BBC有自己的立场，但两头拿钱还是比较香。

ps，我关注BBC一段时间，感觉她立场没什么明显的倾向。

摘要：与中国的贸易对美国制造业的冲击导致了失业；导致美国民众政治光谱分化的原因为失业导致的困难和文化差异；共和党或因此失去选票

The gap between red and blue America has been expanding for decades, and the consequences of this increasing polarization are clear to close observers of Washington

But why Americans have grown so far apart in the first place is still a complicated, unanswered question.

Part of the story appears to be the sudden rise of China as an export powerhouse, according to a paper in the October issue of the American Economic Review.

Authors David Autor, David Dorn, Gordon Hanson, and Kaveh Majlesi say that trade competition from China has radicalized many Americans in declining manufacturing towns. Long-term joblessness and insecurity has pushed people in those communities to the far-right and far-left edges of the political spectrum.

But Hanson says in this episode of the Research Highlights podcast that it’s not a failure of trade policy. It’s a failure of America’s safety net to protect the workers hit hardest by Chinese imports.

Hanson recently spoke with the AEA’s Tyler Smith about how economic and cultural insecurity drive hyper-partisanship and what policymakers can do to help areas distressed by the China trade shock.

The edited highlights of that conversation are below, and the full interview can be heard using the podcast player below.

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Smith: For a little bit of background, I wanted to talk about how trade with China has reshaped the US economy and its labor markets. Which communities have been hit the hardest?

Gordon Hanson: To give you an example, Martinsville, Virginia, is a town of about 110,000 people located in the southwest corner of the state of Virginia. In 1990, fully 45 percent of working age adults in Martinsville were working in manufacturing. It's just simply astounding—so really highly specialized. And those 45 percent were primarily in two industries: furniture and textiles. When China had its dramatic increase in exports, it hit factories in Martinsville really, really hard, leading many of them to close and pushing many workers out of jobs.

The striking thing that we found in our research and the work I've done with David Autor and David Dorn is that the workers who lost their jobs in manufacturing didn't leave to go to other regions, and many of them did not succeed in transitioning into not manufacturing activities. And so what happened in places like Martinsville was a long run increase in joblessness and that increase in joblessness engendered social dislocation. So it increased drug and alcohol abuse, breakdown of families, more children living in poverty and ultimately created pressures for political change.

Smith: Why would a place like Martinsville then be radicalized politically? Why was that the outlet?

Hanson: In response to the China trade shock in places like Martinsville, what we saw was this permanent decline in economic activity and a permanent loss of livelihood. In that environment, individuals are going to tend to look for more extreme solutions to their dire circumstances. And the regularity that we've observed again and again is that the extreme viewpoints that people seek out during times of hardship tend to be more of those on the right than those on the left.

Smith: The GOP has been the party of free trade since World War II. So it seems like voters should have punished them for their free trade stance. What explains this? Why would it benefit Republicans?

Hanson: The link between parties and trade is complicated. . . . Republicans were often skeptical of trade deals, no less than conservative stalwart Barry Goldwater was against the US signing the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade in the 1960s because he thought it compromised American sovereignty. So although there's this idea that Republicans had to be the party of free trade, I think the reality is a bit more complicated. But when it comes to the politics of hard times, the political responses are often not strictly about ideology, per say. They can often be about identity, and tribalism can rear its head.

What that means is that when times get bad, the appeal of politicians to the group to which people see themselves as belonging becomes stronger and that group identity ends up mattering in a political context. So in response to things like the China trade shock and in response to sudden and dramatic loss of good-paying manufacturing jobs, what we saw is the equivalent of a tribalist response.

The areas that were hard hit by trade-induced manufacturing job loss have had a bad couple of decades. They haven't been served well in terms of policy response coming from the federal governments or state governments.

Daniel Reck

Smith: My colleague at the AEA recently interviewed a political scientist, Yotam Margalit, about the rise of populism, and he makes the case that this is really more about cultural factors. So I'm wondering how much of polarization can be explained by economic factors versus cultural factors?

Hanson: The rise of populism is a global phenomenon, because we see it in different countries and these different countries have quite different national contexts. It's unlikely that there's a single causal factor that can account for it everywhere. What we do see, though, is that countries that have seen larger manufacturing contractions, much of which is due to globalization—and in other contexts it may be due to technological change—have shifted their political support towards farther right-wing voices than we've seen in the past.

Now there is a group of political scientists and sociologists who see this as grounded quite strongly in culture. What that perspective doesn't explain, however, is why the change? What shifted in the environment to make identifying with culture stronger today than in the past. I think our own take on this is that these two things are interconnected. There are normal economic times when appeals to culture and group identity might not play that well, and there are dire economic times where that sort of tribalism and cultural appeals may play more strongly.

Smith: The period that you study ends with the 2016 presidential election. I'm wondering, have you seen any new developments since then?

Hanson: We're, right now in fact, trying to understand what the consequences of the US-China trade war have been for local employment in areas that were earlier hit by the China shock. I'm sorry that we don't have those results ready quite yet, but they'll be available soon.

Other work we've been doing has been going back to our original analysis of the impact of increased import competition from China and examined how long those shocks lasted. That is, did we ultimately see recovery in manufacturing or employment in areas that had substantial job loss in the late 1990s and during the first part of the 2000s? And the unfortunate answer to that question is that we don't see much adjustment. That manufacturing job loss extends all the way out to the present day.

原文链接：https://www.aeaweb.org/research/importing-political-polarization-us-china

相关资料：《美国经济评论》：https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1257/aer.20170011

@爱狗却养猫 #110703 吴敬琏、张维迎是典型的市场派，中国体制内得势的基本上是政府派

林哪配叫市场派

你敢给钱我就敢待见

@中野梓 #110629 强烈不满！坚决反对！

@愛牛奶盒的人 我以后就是你夫人啦~

@中野梓 #110556 @愛牛奶盒的人 你们看这个抬头怎么样？

@中野梓 #110556 豆沙馅表示，并未“占领”瑶瑶哦~

@潮朔 #110387 其实我想说，这有什么，我们共产党都这么干

@李元量 #110523 这是很抽象的意译了。其实我在想长篇的古体诗能不能写出这种意境

@潮朔 #110518 梓喵：坚决反对别有用心的外部势力干预

（就是之前那个广告里的）

Wait for me, and I'll come back!

Wait with all you've got!

Wait, when cheerless yellow rain

Whispers that you need not.

Wait when the snow swirls fast,'

Wait when the sun blazes hot,

Wait when long days are past,

and others have forgot.

Wait, when from that distant place,

Word does not arrive.

Wait, when all those you face,

Know I'm not alive.

Wait for me,

And I'll come back!

Wait for me. Don't fret.

When they tell you there's no doubt.

That it's time to forget.

Even when those dearest to me,

Tell you I'm gone,

Even when my nearest give up,

Claiming it's been too long,

Let's raise a glass of bitter wine

To the friend who's passed-

Wait! Don't share that drink!

Wait until the last!

Wait for me and I'll come back,

Cheating every fate!

"A nice stroke of luck!"they'll say,

Those that could not wait.

Only they will never know

How amid the strife

By waiting for me, my dear,

And you saved my life.

But the two of us will know

How you got me home.

Only you know how to wait,

It was you alone.

@太陽三觀測站 #110492 战争是政治的继续，其所满足的，亦非民众的福祉，仅为政客之野心和欲望。

现在好像应该改到发现分区？管理帮个忙@愛牛奶盒的人 #110490

@青年 #110494 但英美国家很多人对亚洲人的歧视也是事实

@青年 #110469 我感谢youtube，给我推送了这么好的广告

@愛牛奶盒的人 瑶瑶，你也来看看~

@青年 #110469 妈耶，感谢！就是这个！！！！！

原问题：YouTube上看到一些精彩的广告，很想收藏起来，问，如何找到这个广告的网址？

看到一个某游戏的广告，界面是太平洋海战，4分35秒我看下来，唯一的遗憾就是YouTube广告不能往回拉进度条。

——————

链接：https://youtu.be/X5dBdlZTvRY

——————

高赞评论：

1.Japanese pilot, American sailor, Russian poem..... Well done.

2.People: "Blizzard makes the best trailers" WG: "Wait for me."

3.This is honestly one of the best game ads I've ever seen, almost the first time I've seen the Japanese portrayed as human.（可见西方对日本人歧视很严重）

4.I cant believe that. I cried watching a game commercial.（好吧，这条我点了一个赞）

5.This is actually a masterpiece. There aren't many game trailers that resonate with me, but this one really does. well done. Downloading game now

6.I saw this first when I clicked on a music video. I believe it's the first time in 5 years that I didn't skip a paid promotion. This is great. This is art.

7.I got an ad while watching a video and i watched the whole thing.

补：The Making of Wait for Me https://youtu.be/LUdkbgOeLTc

@愛牛奶盒的人 #110384 好吧，同意瑶瑶独立

@青年 #110377 道晚安属于条约执行过程中，根据第十九条予以延伸解释的范畴——瑶瑶国际法庭

《馅喵巴黎协定》第十九条规定，所有人给瑶瑶道午安，均视为豆沙馅给瑶瑶道午安

@青年 #110363 梓喵给瑶瑶道午安并不改变瑶瑶的主权性质~

真珠小娘下清廓，洛苑香風飛綽綽。

寒鬢斜釵玉燕光，高樓唱月敲懸璫。

蘭風桂露灑幽翠，紅弦裊雲咽深思。

花袍白馬不歸來，濃蛾疊柳香唇醉。

金鵝屏風蜀山夢，鸞裾鳳帶行煙重。

八驄籠晃臉差移，日絲繁散曛羅洞。

市南曲陌無秋涼，楚腰衛鬢四時芳。

玉喉窱窱排空光，牽雲曳雪留陸郎。

（以下为简体字版本）

真珠小娘下清廓，洛苑香风飞绰绰。

寒鬓斜钗玉燕光，高楼唱月敲悬珰。

兰风桂露洒幽翠，红弦袅云咽深思。

花袍白马不归来，浓蛾叠柳香唇醉。

金鹅屏风蜀山梦，鸾裾凤带行烟重。

八骢笼晃脸差移，日丝繁散曛罗洞。

市南曲陌无秋凉，楚腰卫鬓四时芳。

玉喉窱窱排空光，牵云曳雪留陆郎。

多数清醒者选择在公开平台保持沉默，无论墙内还是墙外。

借个楼对瑶瑶说一句晚安

@中野梓 #110215 奇怪，懦夫同志为什么没有找我报道？（感动，我党隐蔽战线的好战友）

自由经济没什么问题

中国的问题不是资本家，而是资本依附官僚。

@中野梓 #110136 强烈反对反馅护瑶，根据《喵馅联合声明》，瑶瑶的主权已经被移交给豆沙馅！

@愛牛奶盒的人 #110133 好的，瑶-馅

“瑶瑶”也是“瑶瑶の豆沙馅”的简称

给波普尔点个赞——瑶瑶

@kill_ccp #110058 宪政民主+自由市场有什么不可复制的

你这个螳臂当车的歹徒

@潮朔 #110031 不，恶习难改

豆沙馅不可分割的一部分，新民主主义革命总路线的坚定执行者

@李元量 #110028 香菱是天才，几天时间就能写出那样的诗（微存夸张可能）

@中野梓 #110025 没有人能对抗历史和人民的选择。

新民主主义革命的总路线是，无产阶级领导的，人民大众的，反对帝国主义，封建主义，官僚资本主义的革命路线。瑶瑶的回归，是新民主主义革命在全国范围内取得伟大胜利的标志。

日常1：（只要我喜欢，管他谁家媳妇呢！）

日常2（研究讨论修改宪法事宜）：

结束了梓喵对瑶瑶的非法占领：

轻关易道，通商宽农：

在大观园里的我&瑶瑶（右边的是瑶瑶）：

真是党和人民的敌人，我感到非常气愤