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【一篇有关香港的旧文】-- 伞运五年后的香港,何去何从?

natasha 饭姐

(按:这篇文章写于2019年4月,恰恰在反送中运动之前。但文章的结论和预测,不幸而言中了现在所发生的事情。本文大致由Deepl工具翻译, natasha修正。)

Nearly Five Years After the Umbrella Movement - Where is Hong Kong Now? 伞运五年后的香港,何去何从?

作者:Rachel Lietzow

While throughout history colonialism has often led to disastrous outcomes for colonized states — manifested in many forms such as ethnic conflict, persecution of indigenous people, resource draining, destruction of governmental institutions, violation of human rights, erasing of culture, and poverty—Britain’s colonization of Hong Kong was truly an outlier in almost all respects. The immense economic development of Hong Kong that took place under a quasi-democratic system created a complex dissonance in Hong Kong’s “Chinese” identity: the Hong Kongers were a people culturally acclimated to Chinese tradition, nationalism, and dynastic rule, yet they experienced firsthand the prosperity of democratic rights and open market institutions. A fitting description of the mainstream Hong Konger perception of identity cannot be described better than as conflicting: “They resist China’s political control, but embrace China as the motherland. The memories of history continue to haunt people today”. [1]

纵观历史,殖民主义往往给被殖民国家带来灾难性的后果--表现为多种形式,如种族冲突、迫害原住民、消耗资源、破坏政府机构、侵犯人权、抹杀文化和贫穷,但英国对香港的殖民统治几乎在所有方面都是一个例外。在半民主制度下,香港经济的蓬勃发展给香港的"中国人"身份带来了不和谐的杂音:香港人在文化上适应了中国传统、民族主义和王朝统治,但他们却亲身经历了民主权利和开放市场制度的繁荣。用矛盾来形容香港人的主流身份认知再合适不过:“他们抗拒中国的政治控制,但又拥护中国为祖国。历史的记忆至今还在困扰着人们"。

The integration of the English language into the socio-cultural fabric of Hong Kong lifestyle has added a layer of complexity, that in essence could have boiled down to two contrasting reactions—rejection of English due to ethnic and national pride, or acceptance of English due to trust in the British-installed system and its benefits to economic development. Looking to history, one observes that Hong Kong welcomed the British political system and language in its education system. Though the United Kingdom returned Hong Kong to China in 1997, the succeeding decades have seen a disparity between China and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region’s political perspective and cultural identity.

英语融入香港的社会文化生活方式,使上述问题又增加了一层复杂性。这种复杂性本质上可以归结为两种截然不同的反应--因种族和民族自豪感而排斥英语,或因信任英式制度及其对经济发展的好处而接受英语。從历史的角度來看,我們可以看到,香港在教育制度上欢迎英國的政治制度和語言。虽然英国在1997年将香港交还给中国,但随后的几十年里,中国和香港特别行政区的政治观点和文化认同出现了差距。

This tension culminated in the 2014 Umbrella Movement, where tens of thousands of Hong Kongers took to the streets to protest the Chinese government’s invasion of their right to free and fair elections. I argue that colonialism significantly influenced Hong Kong’s education system and consequently shifted Hong Kong youth’s political stances in favor of a democratic, sovereign Hong Kong with limited Chinese government involvement. An “Anglicized” Hong Kong system featured the standardization of English teaching in schools, international and Western-focused curriculum, and flattering portrayal of democracy.

这种紧张关系在2014年的雨伞运动中达到高潮,数万香港人走上街头,抗议中国政府侵犯他们的自由和公平选举权。我认为,殖民主义极大地影响了香港的教育制度,并因此改变了香港青年的政治立场,希望拥有一个中国政府有限参与下的民主、高度自治的香港。"英式化"的香港制度的特点是学校英语教学的标准化、以国际和西方为中心的课程以及对民主的赞美描述。

The 2014 Umbrella Movement was arguably the greatest sign of this relationship’s policy implications and impact on civil society. Beginning in late September and continuing through mid-December of 2014, the Umbrella Movement consisted of a series of protests and occupation of different Hong Kong locations, specifically Admiralty, Mong Kok, and Causeway Bay. The movement’s name originated from student protesters’ use of umbrellas to shield themselves from police pepper spray and tear gas. It became the symbol of peaceful resistance, in a fight to preserve Hong Kong democratic rights.

2014年的雨伞运动可以说是这种关系的政策和对民间社会的影响和冲击的最显著标志。从2014年9月下旬开始,一直到12月中旬,雨伞运动由一系列抗议活动和对香港不同地点的占领组成,特别是金钟、旺角和铜锣湾。该运动的名称源于学生抗议者用雨伞遮挡警方的胡椒喷雾和催泪弹。它成为和平抵抗的象征,为维护香港的民主权利而斗争。

The movement arose in reaction to the decision made by China’s Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) to require a screening process for candidates running for Hong Kong’s chief executive position in 2017. [2] The chief executive is the most powerful political figure in Hong Kong, and is responsible for working with Beijing to negotiate policies and make other critical decisions on behalf of the Special Administrative Region. The NPCSC’s decision would deny Hong Kong citizens free and fair elections, as all candidates would first be approved by the Chinese Communist Party before being eligible to run; this change in legislation would allow the Chinese government to have significantly greater political influence over Hong Kong. The decision led many Hong Kong citizens to cry foul, as it seemed to violate the previously agreed upon Basic Law for Hong Kong, which declared that Hong Kong and China operate as “One Country, Two Systems.”

该运动的产生是对中国全国人大常委会作出的要求对2017年竞选香港行政长官职位的候选人进行筛选的决定的反应。行政长官是香港最有权力的政治人物,负责与北京合作,代表特别行政区进行政策谈判并作出其他关键性决定。人大常委会的决定将剥夺香港公民的自由和公平选举,因为所有候选人都要先得到中共的批准才有资格参选;这一立法的改变将使中国政府对香港的政治影响力大大增加。这一决定导致许多香港市民大呼不妥,因为这似乎违反了此前达成的香港基本法,即规定香港和中国实行"一国两制"。[3]

To estimate the amount of political support for China among Hong Kong citizens, the University of Hong Kong polled 1,000 citizens at random this past summer, asking if they were proud of their identity as Chinese citizens. [4] Similar to the results gathered from past years’ polls, HKU found that only one in six young people (18 years to 29 years of age) felt proud to be a Chinese citizen [5] (Lam, 2018). The HKU poll results align well with the results from Mee-ling Lai’s 2005 survey of 1,048 Hong Kong secondary school students regarding language attitudes. Her findings can be summarized as follows: Students overwhelmingly favored Cantonese, their mother tongue, as their language of instruction; they also ranked English highly in terms of its usefulness and the career benefits that come along with fluency/ [6] (Lai, 2005). By far, the least popular language among the first postcolonial generation was surprisingly Mandarin, the language associated to their motherland and new citizenship. [7] Perhaps one can trace the correlation between language attitude and political stance.

为了估计香港市民对中国的政治支持程度,香港大学在去年夏天随机调查了1000名市民,询问他们是否为自己的中国公民身份感到自豪。与往年民调收集到的结果相似,港大发现,只有六分之一的年轻人(18岁至29岁)为自己是中国公民而感到自豪。港大的民调结果与Mee-ling Lai在2005年对1,048名香港中学生进行的关于语言态度的调查结果非常一致。她的调查结果可以总结如下“學生绝大部分傾向以母语粵語作为教学语言,他們亦高度重视英語的实用性,以及流利使用英語可帶來的就业机会。到目前为止,在后殖民时代的第一代人中,最不受欢迎的语言竟然是普通话,这是一种与他们的祖国和新公民身份相关的语言。研究者或许可以追溯语言态度与政治立场之间的关联。

The Umbrella Movement, strengthened by pro-democratic student leaders—Joshua Wong, Nathan Law, and Alex Chow—and secondary school and university activist groups such as Scholarism and the Hong Kong Federation of Students, signified the opening of an era in which Hong Kong youth would likely play a momentous role in the postcolonial dynamic. [8] It also highlighted the critical influence that amicable colonizer-colonized relations, a Westernized education system, and the wide use of English had upon Hong Kong’s new age.

在亲民主的学生领袖--黄之锋、罗冠聪和周永康--以及中学和大学的活动团体如学民思潮和香港学生联合会的支持下,雨伞运动标志着一个时代的开启,在这个时代里,香港年轻人很可能会在后殖民主义的动态中扮演一个重要的角色。这也凸显了:殖民者与被殖民者之间的友好关系、西方化的教育体系和英语的广泛使用对香港新时代的重要影响。

Policy Implications

Considering historical and more recent political developments, “postcolonial” may be the wrong term to define present-day Hong Kong. The British colonial impact on the region’s education system has compounded over almost 150 years. Not only did English become the prominent language of instruction in Hong Kong secondary schools and higher education institutions, but a Western political culture was carefully cultivated through classroom curriculum, for six generations of Hong Kongers. Even at the approach of 1997, the historic handover year, the education system was slow to acclimate students to a renewed “Chineseness.”

政策含义

考虑到历史和近期的政治发展,用"后殖民时代"这个词来界定今天的香港可能有误。在近150年的时间里,英国殖民主义对该地区教育制度的影响越来越大。英语不仅成为香港中学和高等教育机构的主要教学语言,而且通过课堂课程,精心培育了六代香港人的西方政治文化。即使在1997年这个历史性的回归之年即将到来之际,教育系统也迟迟没有让学生适应新的"中国化"。

Currently, a majority of Hong Kongers may very well identify with Chinese culture, abidance by ancient Chinese philosophical tradition, Western democratic values, and free markets. While these seem to create tension among each other, the many contradictions simply describe the present-day Hong Kong and the uniqueness of its colonial situation. Educational modifications that were enacted throughout British rule cannot be labeled the sole factor in creating the current climate of Hong Kong-China. The colony’s booming economy and immense modernization; earlier Hong Konger generations’ apathy regarding politics; and the numerous Chinese Communist Party policy debacles—the Cultural Revolution and its spillover 1967 Riots, the numerous failures of megaprojects during the Great Leap Forward, the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre, to list a few—caused a number of Hong Kongers to lose trust in their motherland.

目前,大多数香港人很可能认同中国文化,恪守中国古代哲学传统,也认同西方民主价值观和自由市场。虽然这些似乎会造成彼此之间的紧张关系,但众多的矛盾只是描述了现今的香港和其殖民地情况的独特性。在整个英国统治期间所颁布的教育改造,不能被贴上创造中港现今气氛的唯一因素。殖民地繁荣的经济和巨大的现代化、香港人前几代对政治的冷漠、以及中共无数次的政策失误--文化大革命及其副产品1967年暴动、大跃进期间众多大型项目的失败、1989年天安门大屠杀等等--都让不少香港人对祖国失去了信任。

The Umbrella Movement leaves the world with a bleak vision of Hong Kong-China relations. While the Chinese government can reverse or mend its policies to improve ties with Hong Kong, the likeliness of such a decision to be made under President Xi Jinping is slim at best, considering the lack of compromise in the wake of the 2014 protests and the aggressive stance taken towards cross-Strait relations just this year. Future CCP-backed Hong Kong leaders will experience active opposition from the educated Hong Kong population, particularly from young people. If the Chinese government continues to choose hardline policymaking strategies, the twenty-first century may very well see a further deterioration in the existing political rift between the government and growing number of protesters that could potentially descend into violence. At the very least, further suppression of Hong Kongers’ political freedoms will bode badly for economic and cultural development in both Hong Kong and the Mainland.

雨伞运动给世人留下了中港关系的黯淡前景。虽然中国政府可以扭转或修补政策,以改善与香港的关系,但考虑到2014年抗议活动后缺乏妥协,以及今年刚刚对两岸关系采取的咄咄逼人的立场,在习近平主席的领导下做出这样的决定的可能性微乎其微。未来中共支持的香港领导人将经历来自受过教育的香港民众,尤其是年轻人的积极反对。如果中国政府继续选择强硬的决策策略,21世纪很可能会看到政府与越来越多的抗议者之间现有的政治裂痕进一步恶化,并有可能演变成暴力事件。 至少,进一步压制香港人的政治自由,对香港和内地的经济和文化发展都是不利的。

Works Cited:

[1] Tsai, J. (2008). History and Identity in Hong Kong: Resisting China's Political Control; Embracing China as the Motherland. China Review International, 15(1), 78-93. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/23733272

[2] ABC News. (2014, October 28). Tracing the history of Hong Kong's umbrella movement. Retrieved October 28, 2018, from https://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/rearvision/tracing-the-history-of-hong-kong’s-umbrella-movement/5848312

[3] Chalkley, B. (1997). Hong Kong: Colony at the Crossroads. Geography, 82(2), 139-147. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/40572828

[4] Lam, J. (2018, June 26). ²More Hongkongers Proud of Their Identity as a Chinese Citizen. South China Morning Post. Retrieved November 21, 2018, from https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/2152609/more-hongkongers-proud-their-identity-chinese-citizens-young

[5] Lam, 2018. https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/2152609/more-hongkongers-proud-their-identity-chinese-citizens-young

[6] Lai, M. (2005). Language Attitudes of the First Postcolonial Generation in Hong Kong Secondary Schools. Language in Society, 34(3), 363-388. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/4169433

[7] Lai, 2005.

[8] Iyengar, R. (2014, October 05). 6 Questions You Might Have About Hong Kong's Umbrella Revolution. Retrieved November 23, 2018, from http://time.com/3471366/hong-kong-umbrella-revolution-occupy-central-democracy-explainer-6-questions/

来源:Nearly Five Years After the Umbrella Movement - Where is Hong Kong Now?

菜单
  1. 史蒂芬 自由主义者
    史蒂芬   喜欢近代历史,有时间上传一些好的书籍,大家交流分享

    2014年还遮遮掩掩不敢大规模镇压。2019年没想到会发展到这一步,哎。

  2. 狼狼醬 耶渣
    狼狼醬   私信可以,但我保留你亂罵的時候公開私信的權利。不算好的基督徒,深信左右都是膠的港獨。

    快要限制出境了,我卻還未畢業(苦笑

  3. 邹韬奋 外逃贪官CA
    邹韬奋   虽然韬光养晦,亦当奋起而争(拜登永不为奴:h.2047.one)

    @Wolfychan #126248 恭喜你享受大陆人待遇,你如果出生在97年以后,未来将与大陆人无异。

  4. 狼狼醬 耶渣
    狼狼醬   私信可以,但我保留你亂罵的時候公開私信的權利。不算好的基督徒,深信左右都是膠的港獨。
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  5. 邹韬奋 外逃贪官CA
    邹韬奋   虽然韬光养晦,亦当奋起而争(拜登永不为奴:h.2047.one)
  6. 狼狼醬 耶渣
    狼狼醬   私信可以,但我保留你亂罵的時候公開私信的權利。不算好的基督徒,深信左右都是膠的港獨。
  7. 史蒂芬 自由主义者
    史蒂芬   喜欢近代历史,有时间上传一些好的书籍,大家交流分享
  8. 狼狼醬 耶渣
    狼狼醬   私信可以,但我保留你亂罵的時候公開私信的權利。不算好的基督徒,深信左右都是膠的港獨。

    @史蒂芬 #126370 今日已經說入境處修例不影響市民出入境自由,還打算二月底令安心出行可以自動掃瞄,而加上目前餐廳好像堂食要客人掃QR code/留下電話號碼才能享用,否則老闆可被罰款或監禁6個月。

    我想不鎖港都會進入新疆模式了。

  9. 在之中  

    哪怕什么也没有发生,香港人被同化也只是时间问题。目前大陆‘移民’就有13%+

    而且港府并没有控制人口流入的权力。